Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XL, Germany and Berlin, 1969–1972

8. Memorandum of Conversation¹

Washington, February 13, 1969, 2:45–3:40 p.m.

SUBJECT

• Berlin

PARTICIPANTS

• Anatoily F. Dobrynin, Soviet Ambassador
• The Secretary
• Adolph Dubs, Acting Country Director, SOV

During Ambassador Dobrynin’s call to discuss other matters, the Secretary took the initiative on the question of Berlin. He said we were concerned by East German actions there and hoped that there would be no trouble. The creation of difficulties on Berlin would no doubt be played up by the press as a confrontation between Moscow and Washington. This would be a most unfortunate start for the development of relations between the new Administration and the Soviet Union. The new Administration looks forward to the existence of a good climate which could facilitate discussions on outstanding issues. It is, therefore, hoped that the Soviet Union understands that East German actions would present serious problems and that the Soviet Government could help matters by advising the East Germans to keep matters in a low key.

Ambassador Dobrynin said that, frankly, the West Germans knew that certain reactions would follow if the Bundesversammlung were held in Berlin. The Soviet Government had told the previous U.S. Administration that the Soviet Union and its friends had decided not to do anything to jeopardize relations between the U.S. and the USSR. Certain people, however, want to undermine these relations. Thus, an exercise which will be confined only to one day could harm relations between Moscow and Washington for weeks and perhaps even longer. He wished to assure the Secretary that the Soviet Union does not want West Berlin and that it is not asking that West Berlin belong to East Germany. At the same time, the USSR is not prepared to give West Berlin to the Federal Republic of Germany. The Soviet Union is interested in maintaining things as they are, i.e., the status quo. The reactions that are now taking place on the side of the East Germans would not have taken place if certain events had not preceded them. In the present situation, it should be clear that the Soviet Union had only two alternatives. The first was to swallow what the FRG was doing. This would only mean that in another year the Soviet Union would be told that they had permitted certain things in the past and that no objections should be raised to a continuation of certain activities. The second alternative was to react. In this connection, there is no intention on the part of the Soviet Union to aggravate relations with the new Administration. It should be understood that nothing is being done against the U.S., Britain or France. Therefore, the Ambassador saw no real reason for complaint.

The Secretary interjected that the situation could deteriorate if some moves were made to close access routes. Ambassador Dobrynin replied that he was sure that the East Germans had no plans to harass other countries. Therefore, the United States should not consider present activities surrounding Berlin as a provocation—this could only worsen East-West relations. It is important for the U.S. to understand that if no elections were to take place in Berlin all actions would be dropped.

The Secretary said that this was not a very realistic assumption. We view seriously what is taking place and think the timing most unfortunate since the new Administration had no part in the decisions surrounding current events. Any attempt to prevent free and open passage to and from Berlin would make the situation most difficult.

Ambassador Dobrynin said that he understands that nothing would be done to affect the free passage of U.S. military forces. This should be clearly understood. When asked what further measures might be in store, Ambassador Dobrynin replied that no final decisions had been taken and none would until it was ascertained how the situation develops. He underlined again that it was most important to understand that the USSR was not the initiator of actions regarding Berlin. It was simply reacting to a decision by the FRG and nothing else. There is no intention whatsoever to affect adversely U.S.-Soviet relations.

The Secretary said that if matters relating to both Vietnam and Berlin do not develop in an adverse fashion, relations could get off to a good start. This was not to set any conditions respecting the future course of our relations but merely to point up the unfortunate consequences of having a bad climate at the outset. Anything the Soviet Union could do to be helpful would be welcome, particularly since President Nixon will be visiting Berlin. Ambassador Dobrynin replied that whatever actions are taken should not be misread as being directed against the President but rather against West Germany. The visit was only recently decided upon. He did not feel that the Soviets could permit the West Germans to hide behind the President’s visit. The Ambassador said he recognized that the President will make his decisions on the basis of what he considers best for his policies. Dobrynin expressed the personal thought that he would have preferred other timing for the President’s visit.

Secretary Rogers said that problems surrounding Berlin could have an effect on public attitudes and make it difficult for the Administration to proceed on some issues. Ambassador Dobrynin said it was important for governments to give leadership to the press at times rather than merely reacting to what it says. The Secretary said that the Ambassador should understand that the President is a realist and that he would not be overly impressed by press reactions. Nevertheless, the international climate does have an effect on decision-making. We are reacting in a low-key way on Berlin, and it is hoped the Soviet Government would advise the East Germans to react similarly.

Ambassador Dobrynin said that the President’s visit to Berlin had been discussed in Moscow. It was recognized that the announcement of the visit was now made and that nothing was likely to be changed. He said that U.S.-Soviet relations have a peculiar way of developing. History shows that after the inauguration of a new Administration relations somehow have always deteriorated. After a while the situation generally improves. At the end of the Administrations, everybody is talking about meetings at the highest level. The Secretary said that perhaps we should forget about the beginning and start in the middle.

1. Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1967–69, POL 14 GER W. Confidential. Drafted by Dubs and approved in S on February 18. The memorandum is part III of V. The time of the meeting is from Rogers’ Appointment Book. (Personal Papers of William P. Rogers) Rogers summarized his conversation with Dobrynin for the President’s Evening Reading on February 13. (National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 2, President’s Daily Briefs, February 9–14, 1969) In a February 14 memorandum forwarding this summary to the President, Kissinger commented: “The conversations appeared to be exceptionally forthcoming although his [Dobrynin’s] comments on Berlin might suggest some fairly severe actions by the East Germans were in the wind.” (Ibid.)