199. Telegram From the Mission at Berlin to the Department of State0

1350. Dublin for Presidential party. USAREUR for POLAD. Presidential visit Berlin was major political event in history this city, and one whose full implication unlikely be apparent for some time.

Conveying accurate first-blush reaction is problem in proper choice of superlatives. The tumultuous reception accorded President was clearly unprecedented and at times overwhelming. The record crowd of approximately 1.5 million lining entire 35-mile route and massed before City Hall had been anticipated. In the event, however, the emotional quality of that great crowd, its enthusiastic friendliness and openhearted spirit was an unpredictably moving experience. To us it seemed that the Berliner wished to express at one time his high regard for, and trust in the President, his open gratitude for US support past and present, his commitment to the West in the face of Communist pressures and his proud confidence in himself and the future. By so doing in company of bulk of his fellow citizens, the Berliner may well have deepened that trust, gratitude, commitment and confidence. As one editorial commented: Any remaining reserve in German-American relations is dissipated and whatever threats Khrushchev may bring can now be met with confidence.

Berliners clearly were enraptured by the President—perhaps as much by the human warmth, personal involvement and evident modesty frequently cited in today’s press, as by his generous words of praise and encouragement to them. Not overlooked, however, even in the first reaction were the President’s sober messages concerning the indivisibility of freedom and the heavy demands which it places upon us all. We expect those messages will be taken up by a broad range of leadership groups here after the emotional after-glow of the visit subsides. This process began even today with a thoughtful editorial in the independent newspaper Tagesspiegel interpreting the President’s university speech as a warning to make full use of present opportunities to advance long-term goals (Berlintel 1349).1

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We would not be surprised if further discussion here were to turn on the need for and shape of German/Berlin initiatives in the German problem, the possibilities and limits of relations with the Communist world, and the further development of Berlin ties to the West, i.e., to the Federal Republic, Europe and the Atlantic partnership. In all this we believe that the President’s forceful reiteration of the very real US self-interest in Berlin will be a useful counter to the insidious Communist argument that the Soviet interest in Berlin is more lasting than the American.

June 26 was also great day for Chancellor Adenauer and General Clay who were warmly received by the crowds, and especially for Mayor Brandt. Latter gave stirring demonstration of his rapport with and confident control of Berlin populace by stilling huge, enthusiastic crowd before City Hall into respectful, moving silence while President signed Golden Book to accompaniment of tolling freedom bell. The reflected glory of being host on such a day seems likely to strengthen further Brandt’s political appeal in Berlin and perhaps in West Germany as well. It may also serve to exacerbate certain frustrations of the Berlin leadership at the necessity of continuing to work within an occupation structure which can be cumbersome and which they, including Brandt, occasionally feel does not fully comprehend the Berlin psychology.

It should not be overlooked that June 26 was a day of some importance for the French and British in Berlin owing to the President’s public praise of their contribution to the Allied effort here and owing to the prominent role accorded by US to the UK and France in the Presidential program. We believe this has given a useful boost to local US relations with the British and particularly with the French. We also expect beneficial local gains in our relations with the trade unions, universities and other important groups particularly affected.

In short, June 26 was a great day for the US in Berlin and one which fully realized the several objectives set forth two months ago in our tel 1122,2 i.e., (a) to demonstrate anew and unmistakably breadth and depth of US-Berlin solidarity; (b) to underline tripartite unity of Western responsibility here; (c) to reassure thoughtful Berlin leaders who still may be apprehensive over long-run prospects for city, and (d) to give President representative impression of Berlin setting and spirit.

Calhoun
  1. Source: Department of State, Central Files, POL 7 US/Kennedy. Confidential; Priority. Repeated to Bonn, Dublin, Moscow, London, Paris, and USAREUR. Passed to the White House on June 28.
  2. Dated June 27. (Ibid.)
  3. Dated May 1. (Ibid.)