Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963, Volume XI, Cuban Missile Crisis and Aftermath

303. Summary Record of the 42d Meeting of the Executive Committee of the National Security Council⁰

Washington, March 29, 1963, 12:30 p.m.

The President said he had asked the Council to meet in order to talk about the two recent hit-and-rUN raids staged by anti-Castro refugees. The State Department has twice said that these raids are not particularly helpful. Even so, we must anticipate that there will be more such attacks. We have said the raiders do not take off from the U.S., but it is difficult to maintain that they do not get their supplies in the U.S. The question is whether we should take direct action in the U.S. to cut off their supplies or whether we should try to advise them to attack Cuba but not the Russians, with the result that the raids would draw less press attention and arouse less acrimony in Moscow.

Director McCone agreed that more raids of this kind are probable. The anti-Castro groups purchase supplies in the U.S. and come in and go out of the U.S. The raids are actually staged from the Bahamas and other than U.S. territory. The raiders would be extremely difficult to control because they are brave men fighting for freedom of their country.

Reading from a paper,¹ Mr. McCone said the continuance of the raids would cause trouble inside Cuba and would discredit Castro in Latin America if he was unable to prevent the raids. The Soviets, if the raids continue, might reappraise their support of Castro or, alternatively, raise directly with the President the continuance of the anti-Castro raids. Mr. McCone said his personal view was that there would be intense public and press criticism if we stand down these raids. He anticipated Congressional criticism as well. He recommended that we officially disallow the raids without acting to prevent the raiders from using the U.S. as a base.

Secretary Rusk said that the hit-and-rUN raids against Cuba, in an area which is under our military umbrella, will be blamed on us no matter what we say. No one would believe that we do not have the capability of preventing the raiders from leaving the U.S. If anyone is shooting Russians we ought to be doing it, not Cubans who are acting beyond our control. He predicted that if the raids continue, the result will be to draw Cuban and Russian forces further outside the territorial waters of Cuba in an effort to stop the raiding ships at sea and before they reach Cuban ports. Our air surveillance of Cuba will be complicated and the cost of our continuing overflights will increase because Cuban planes will be patrolling farther off shore, searching for incoming raiding ships. He recommended that the least we should do is to stop the violation of our laws. If we decide that such raids should be conducted, we should plan them ourselves and see that they are carried out under our control rather than as now occurs.

The President pointed out that the U.S. private ship, the Floridian, was probably shot at in retaliation for earlier anti-Castro raids.² The result is that we have to put our forces into action to defend U.S. ships.

Secretary Rusk approved landing anti-Castro agents in Cuba who could be useful on the ground inside the country, but he said there was no benefit from hit-and-rUN raids which we do not control.

Secretary Dillon said it was impossible for us to control the raids. He said that after the ships leave Florida, they proceed to an island from which the raid is launched at a later time. In some cases larger ships leave U.S. ports and rendezvous with smaller ships at sea. A naval barrier off Cuba is the only sure way to stop these raids. The Coast Guard does not have enough boats to carry out this assignment. If our intelligence on the raiders improves, we can do much more to prevent the raiders leaving the U.S.

Secretary Rusk noted that in his discussions of the raid problem with Congressmen, he had noted a mixed reaction. Not all Congressmen supported the anti-Castro raids.

Mr. McCone said the Bahama Islands were being used by the raiders as the take-off point. He predicted that the number of raids will increase rapidly.

The President commented that these in-and-out raids were probably exciting and rather pleasant for those who engage in them. They were in danger for less than an hour. This exciting activity was more fUN than living in the hills of Escambray, pursued by Castro’s military forces.

Secretary Rusk doubted that the Russians would get out of Cuba as an answer to the harassment of the raiders, but rather will build up the power of the Cubans to prevent the raiders from doing any damage at sea or ashore.

Secretary McNamara said that we can stop the raiders if we use the Navy. If we don’t want to stop the raids, we can modify them, making it difficult for the raiders to attack targets not of our choosing. In any event we can so act that we disassociate ourselves from the raiders and avoid charges that the raids are based in the U.S.

The President suggested that we first tell the British and then, on a background basis, tell the press that the raiders are staging out of the Bahama Islands.

The Attorney General said that we can slow down the raids if we wish and later stop them entirely if we so desire. We can do a great deal more to stop them than is now being done. The Coast Guard can stop outgoing ships. We can prosecute cases against those who are supplying ammunition to the raiders. We can prosecute the the ten Americans who were picked up recently at sea with arms which were to be used by the raiders. We can create a deterrent against such raids.

At this point the President read part of the most recent Soviet protest, including the sentence which asked rhetorically where do these raids originate, from Europe?³

The Attorney General pointed out that we would look ridiculous if the raids continue and we say we cannot control them or prevent them.

Ambassador Thompson emphasized that we must prevent any raider plane bombing a Soviet ship.

Secretary Rusk repeated his view that raids which do not result in a penetration on the ground in Cuba are fruitless.

The Attorney General commented that we did have a problem domestically of explaining why we were stopping the raids, but we can stop them by prosecuting those involved and by making the raiders’ stay in the U.S. very unpleasant.

Ambassador Thompson noted that we could say that attacks on Soviet ships could prevent the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Cuba.

Mr. Harriman agreed with Secretary Rusk that the raids will not prompt the Soviets to leave Cuba, but rather to step up participation in Cuban military activities. He agreed that there was no value in the pin-pricking hit-and-rUN raids.

Secretary Dillon pointed out that even if we did not succeed in catching the raiders on their way out, we would have a serious effect on future raids if we caught the raiders upon their return.

The President asked that we handle this problem in such a way as to avoid the appearance of prosecuting Cuban patriots. He suggested that we tell the raiders that they must not attack Soviet ships—but could attack purely Cuban targets. The purpose would be to avoid heating up the situation to the point where the Russians would send destroyers to protect their ships in Cuban waters. We might tell the raiders that if they stop their present attacks and undertake to carry out assignments as guided by the CIA, they could continue, but if they refuse to accept CIA guidance, we would take action to prevent further raids.

Secretary Rusk felt there should be a prohibition against attacks on all kinds of shipping and a halt to all hit-and-rUN raids. He had no objection to raiding if people were actually put ashore.

Mr. McCone noted that the raiders will not go ashore because they know they will be caught. He said that even with extensive planning it is difficult enough to put in controlled agents. The CIA has means of informing the raiding groups that they should stop attacks on Soviet shipping or attacks on all shipping.

The President asked why we could not put pressure on the suppliers of the raiders. These suppliers would not be Cubans.

The Attorney General reported that the FBI is investigating the source of the raiders’ supplies. He said the raiding groups were very small and it might not be possible to communicate with every group. We could proceed to arrest the raiders and later prosecute those against whom we had sufficient evidence. It did not appear likely that before the middle of April we would have a grand jury which would be responsive to our efforts to indict the raiders. In the meantime, however, we could slow down the raiders by passing word to them through the Coast Guard, the FBI, and other channels that we would not permit the continuance of their activities.

Secretary Rusk said that more public knowledge of the pressures we are putting on the raiders would, in his view, help our position.

In reply to a Presidential question, the Vice President said we would be irresponsible if we did not act against the raiders who were carrying out irresponsible actions that could result in getting us involved in a war. He said we should stop these irresponsible people. He suggested that the military prepare a plan as to how to halt the raids and inform all U.S. Government agencies that our policy was to prevent further raids. He would proceed against the suppliers of munitions. He predicted that, just as we would, the Russians will shoot back if the raiders continue shooting at Soviet ships. He acknowledged that there would be some criticism of our action, but felt that there would be much more criticism if we did not stop the raids. He urged that we inform the appropriate Congressional Committees and other governments of our intention to stop the raiding.

The Attorney General said that one way of dealing with the raiders would be to prevent their return to the U.S. if they once leave without permission. Such action would be less drastic than prosecution. It would involve warning individual Cubans that if they left the U.S., they would not be permitted to return.

The President hoped we could pick out a good case for the first one to prosecute—not Robert Emmett, but rather an ancient arms dealer. The Attorney General noted that Americans are supplying the arms used by the Cuban raiders.

The President asked the Attorney General to meet with Mr. McCone and representatives of State, Defense, and the White House to draft an action program for his approval, to include the following points:

a. Guidance by the CIA to the raiding groups.

b. Discussion with the British about the use of the Bahama Islands by the raiders.

c. Consideration of whether we should inform the press for background that the raiders are taking off from the Bahamas.

d. Preventing the planned airplane raid, if necessary, announcing that we intend to stop the raid so that if it takes place, then all would be fairly and clearly warned.

e. Ways of preventing the return of raiders leaving U.S. jurisdiction.

The President suggested that the group discuss their recommendations with him tomorrow.⁴ He also asked that a policy statement for issuance to the press be prepared for his consideration.

Bromley Smith⁵

0. Source: Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Meetings and Memoranda Series, Executive Committee, Meetings, Vol. IV, 38-42, 1/25/63-3/29/63. Top Secret. The meeting lasted until 1:30 p.m. (Ibid., President’s Appointment Book) and was the last meeting of the Executive Committee.
1. See the attachment to Document 304.
2. At approximately 6 p.m., March 28, two Cuban MIG aircraft fired on the U.S. ship Floridian in international waters off the north coast of Cuba en route from Puerto Rico to Miami. (Telegram 468 to Bern, March 29; Department of State, Central Files, POL 33-6 CUBA-US)
3. Reported in telegram 2435 from Moscow, March 29. (Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Countries Series, Cuba, Exile Activities)
4. No further record of the meeting has been found.
5. Printed from a copy that bears this typed signature.