Foreign Relations of the United States Diplomatic Papers, 1940, The Far East, Volume IV

711.94/1532: Telegram

The Secretary of State to the Ambassador in Japan (Grew)

Washington, June 15, 1940—2 p.m.

203. Your 431, June 10, 8 p.m.,⁶⁷ and 448, June 12, 11 p.m.⁶⁸

1. It is suggested that as soon as convenient you inform the Minister for Foreign Affairs orally that you have forwarded to your Government an account of your conversation with him and that you are authorized to say that your Government is giving attentive study thereto and is impressed by the earnest interest which Mr. Arita has manifested in the general subject under discussion; and that you have also forwarded the text of Mr. Arita’s strictly confidential oral statement which is likewise being given study. It is suggested also that, subject to any comments you may wish to offer, you might make to the Minister for Foreign Affairs additional statements as follows.

We believe that, before concrete details of any practical program can be profitably discussed, foundations therefor should be laid by giving due consideration to the fundamental principles and policies inherent in the standpoint of each government and to the aims and aspirations of each government. It might appear superficially that by stressing abstract principles we are losing sight of the practical aspects. We feel, however, that, if general principles and objectives can first be defined and taken into account, this will tend to facilitate subsequent progress toward consideration of specific measures. It is therefore believed that specific comment upon the contents of Mr. Arita’s statement might best be deferred for the time being and that it would be useful for the Government of the United States to restate at this juncture in broad outline its general position.

As has been said before, it has been and is the hope of the Government of the United States that the adverse effects of the war in Europe may be kept to a minimum, not only as regards the American continent but also as regards Asia, through intensive effort by governments and peoples in those areas to safeguard and promote their national interests on peaceful lines and by peaceful methods, and by increased devotion to principles and policies which envisage and call for the lowering or removal of excessive and artificial barriers to the flow of trade. In shaping a future course it is believed important to look beyond considerations of minor and transient benefit and to focus attention upon far-sighted and broad-gauged policies based on the common interest of all forward-looking peoples. From such an approach there would in our opinion inevitably emerge certain fundamentals, some of which are as follows:

(a) There is paramount need for order, peace and stability. It is our firm conviction that the deterioration in the general situation brought on by present and spreading armed conflicts can be checked only through enlightened and determined resistance to such deterioration by those nations which desire and intend that principles of national sovereignty, of law, of order, and of justice shall survive and that principles of economic freedom shall prevail. If governments and peoples see that these principles are essential and if governments and peoples are willing and determined to implement them, then specific situations in various localities which are inconsistent with those principles ought of course to be duly corrected and adjusted.

(b) Also important is the question of what economic principles and Procedures may be expected best to keep alive and to perpetuate conditions of general security and order. The Government of the United States is committed to a commercial policy based upon the fundamental principle of non-discriminatory treatment, and we believe in removal or lowering of restrictions upon exchange of goods in international trade. There might be adopted by forward-looking countries a program in which each country would refrain from seeking for itself or its nationals exclusive or preferential rights of trade, commerce, or economic exploitation in any third countries and from using any influence which it might possess with any third country to bring about the adoption by that country of measures which might deprive other countries of equality of commercial opportunity or which might block the satisfying of legitimate economic needs.

To make progress, each country concerned must of course be imbued with the proper spirit, including a willingness to make sacrifices in the interest of realizing broad and lasting objectives, and there must be on the part of each country sufficient disposition and determination to make possible a realization of fundamental principles.

Each and every nation in the world is of course fully entitled to take all legitimate and reasonable precautions to promote and preserve its own safety and security. The taking of such measures cannot, however, warrantably be made a ground for interfering in other countries and for setting up there economic preferences and systems of special privilege. The United States is interested in the trade and the economic development of countries of the Far East, just as is Japan. The United States would therefore not, just as Japan would not, view with favor the infiltration into or development in such countries of subversive influences. General adoption of the line of thought and attitude which are outlined above would, in our opinion, render unnecessary interference by any nation in the internal affairs of other nations and action by any nation in the territory of another nation toward establishing therein monopolies and other forms of special privilege. With development along the lines of the principles indicated, we could look forward to multiplying methods of cooperation in many fields toward broad lines of economic development of countries needing and calling for such development.

The attitude and policies of the Government of the United States are so well known and are so well established in the traditional thoughts and beliefs of the American people that it is not difficult to appraise accurately the aims and intentions of this country and the courses of action which the Government of the United States is likely to follow in any given set of circumstances. That attitude and those policies are based on fundamental principles, and we believe that general adherence to those principles, which are universal in their applicability, would be to the best interests of the United States and of Japan and of other countries.

2. We feel it essential that it be understood by all who are associated in discussion of these questions that the objection of the Government and people of the United States to courses which Japan is following arises from and relates to not only Japanese activities in China repeat in China but to indications and manifestations of a desire on the part of Japan’s effective leaders to extend and expand Japan’s political authority at the expense of other nations, in disregard of law and of agreements, and by force. We feel that you should carefully avoid laying such emphasis upon American rights and interests in China repeat in China as may tend to give the impression that those are the matters regarding which we are outstandingly if not exclusively concerned. In that connection you might find it helpful to review for background the Secretary’s letter to the Vice President of January 8, 1938,⁶⁹ especially the paragraph which begins with the words “The interest and concern of the United States in the Far Eastern situation, in the European situation, and in situations on this continent are et cetera.”

3. As you may discern from the foregoing, the Department desires that the door be kept open for exploration of constructive possibilities. At the same time the Department desires that you put forth special effort to keep the conversations on broad and general terms until there shall emerge reasonably clear indications that Japan’s aims and intentions are of a character consistent with the fundamental principles and policies in which the United States believes and which we hope will be the fundamental principles and policies to which Japan will choose to adhere. If and when there appear such indications, it is believed that there will open many practical avenues which can be profitably explored to common advantage. In continuing to use every appropriate means to convince the Japanese Government that Japan’s best interests lie in following a course based on progressive, peaceful principles, you will of course continue to bear constantly in mind the last sentence of the Department’s telegram no. 172, May 30, 2 p.m.

4. I desire that, before you proceed along the lines indicated in this telegram, you study carefully the contents of this telegram in the light of the Department’s telegrams no. 172, May 30, 2 p.m., and no. 180, June 4, 11 p.m., and of your conversation of June 10 with the Minister for Foreign Affairs.⁷⁰ If after such study and review there occur to you comments and suggestions which you believe would be helpful, I of course desire to receive them.⁷¹

Hull

67. Not printed, but see memorandum by the Ambassador in Japan, June 10, ibid., p. 67.
68. Ibid., p. 79.
69. Foreign Relations, Japan, 1931–1941, vol. i, p. 429.
70. See memorandum by the Ambassador in Japan, June 10, ibid., vol. ii, p. 67.
71. For memorandum by the Ambassador in Japan, June 19, in regard to Department’s instructions, see ibid., p. 81; for two accompanying documents, see ibid., pp. 83 and 85.