Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, Volume XVIII, Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1964–1967

150. Telegram From the Embassy in Israel to the Department of State¹

Tel Aviv, February 15, 1965, 10 a.m.

975. From Komer. Third session with Eshkol went as expected. Eban, Meir, Peres again present. Prime Minister did not labor Jordan arms problem, but made strong plea that this plus German capitulation to Nasser confronted Israel with a critical dilemma. Who would replace the German tanks, much less provide the added tanks needed to meet those the US proposed to provide Hussein? The only way out of this dilemma would be direct US supply of arms. He, Eban, and Meir made much of the argument that the Israeli public would never understand why we could sell to UAC member for an openly anti-Israeli scheme, yet not sell to our Israeli friends.

In effect, Eshkol’s pitch is that the only way in which Israel can justify acquiescing in US arms sales to Jordan is if we do the same for Israel too. I will hold until my return the remainder of his arguments, but there is no doubt that Israelis are building up quite a head of steam.

To fend off further repetitious argument, I responded that I felt I now had a full understanding of their concerns and had succeeded in turn in clarifying our concerns to them. Therefore, best thing would be for me to return as soon as possible to Washington and lay their views before the President.²

I felt compelled to say that I was confident we would not make any final decisions on aid to Jordan without fully considering both Israel’s worries and its requests. However, I warned them that the Jordan matter might have a very short fuse.

Despite my disclaimers, the Israelis obviously expected that the President would not send out an emissary on such a mission without certain compensatory gestures toward them. To help fill the gap, I told them I had received new Presidential message asking me to assure them that the US remained fully committed to the security and well-being of Israel, would take their concerns (as reported by me) most carefully into account, and could be depended on to stand by Israel in difficult times ahead. In turn he hoped they would appreciate our motives in such matters as Jordan arms deal, where we had Israel’s own security interests very much in mind.³

Once this painful episode was over, I raised (to ease the tension) the Cubic matter, UAR missiles, and Jordan waters. My debunking of the first two was quite reassuring to Eshkol while the last provided a useful opportunity to counsel restraint. We can expect plenty of trouble on this issue, too, however.

In sum, Barbour and I believe that my mission was highly opportune in giving Israelis a much needed chance to blow off steam and then be brought tactfully back to earth. We have bought a little time and hopefully forestalled further such mishaps as the leak here on Jordan arms. But everything I’ve heard here tends to fortify my conviction that to sell arms to Jordan without at least doing the same for Israel will generate a major crisis in our relations. Moreover, their acute worry over the general deterioration of their security position (of which Jordan arms is only a part) is gradually generating a pre-emptive psychology. It could even lead at some point to a decision to go nuclear if this appeared to be the only way to maintain a deterrent edge.

Barbour

1. Source: National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Central Files 1964–66, POL 7 US/KOMER. Secret; Immediate; Exdis. Passed to the White House.
2. Komer reported in telegram 972 from Tel Aviv, February 14, that he told Eshkol he hoped to receive any Israeli suggestions at their February 14 meeting and would return to Washington the next day unless otherwise instructed. (Ibid., DEF 12–5 JORDAN) Upon receiving this telegram, McGeorge Bundy called President Johnson and recommended accepting Komer’s suggestion and having him return to Washington where they could “have one more hard look” at the problem. He noted that Ball would like to give Rusk another chance to look at the issue, since Rusk was “very reluctant to get into this double arms selling, even though he doesn’t see any alternative.” (Johnson Library, Recordings and Transcripts, Recording of a Telephone Conversation Between Johnson and Bundy, February 14, 1965, 1:02 p.m., Tape F65.06, Side A, PNO 8) Telegram 750 to Tel Aviv, February 14, instructed Komer to return to Washington on February 15. (National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Central Files 1964–66, POL 7 US/KOMER)
3. No such message has been found. Telegram 750 to Tel Aviv, cited in footnote 2 above, instructed Komer to assure the Israelis their views would be given fullest consideration at the highest level.