244. Letter From the Deputy Secretary of Defense (Nitze) to the Director of the
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (Foster)1
Washington, June 7, 1968.
Dear Bill:
Your proposed draft memorandum from the Secretary of State to the President,
circulated on 4 June 1968, has been reviewed within the Department of
Defense.2
I believe it would be unwise to take a definite position on an arms control
proposal banning weapons of mass destruction until we have a clearer
determination of what kind of proposal, if any, is in the best interests of
the United States.
Based on the discussions between Mr. Meeker and Rear
Admiral Hearn, I believe that a more acceptable formulation of ACDA’s specific proposal would be:
“Each State Party to this Treaty undertakes not to emplace
implant or fix nuclear weapons or other weapons
of mass destruction on, within, or beneath or to the seabed beyond 12 nautical miles from its coast
and up to
[Page 617]
the coast of any
other State. A narrow band along the coasts of each
State will be exempt from the provisions of this Treaty; the width
of this band to be determined by negotiation.”
This statement cures the most immediate problem the Department of Defense has
with respect to the legal aspects and affords better protection to various
operating options we may wish to exercise in our mobile seabased strategic
systems.
The most important issue to be decided by the President is whether or not the
support of arms control measures for the seabeds is in the best over-all
interests of the United States. I recommend that your proposed memorandum be
altered to emphasize this basic issue and that you append to it the attached
memorandum from the Secretary of Defense. This SecDef memorandum outlines some of the considerations which the
President should have in mind before deciding this issue.
Sincerely,
Enclosure3
Memorandum From Secretary of Defense Clifford to President Johnson
SUBJECT
- Issues Raised by the Committee of Principals on ACDA’s Seabed Arms Control
Proposal
At the recent meetings of the Committee of Principals on ACDA’s proposal for arms control on the
seabed4 there were
four areas in which the Department of Defense and the Joint Chiefs of
Staff could not reach agreement with the other members of the Committee.
These issues are set forth below for your information, together with the
extent of agreement and disagreement:
[Page 618]
Issue 1. What is permitted and what is
prohibited.
Agreed:
- 1.
- Intent of proposal is to ban emplacement or establishment of
permanently fixed weapons of mass destruction from
seabeds.
- 2.
- The banning of fixed sea-based systems is the least harmful
possibility from a national security point of view.
Not Agreed:
- 1.
- That we can really know what is being prohibited because of
difficulty in determining exactly what is the precise meaning of
“deployed,” “implanted” or “emplaced.”
- 2.
- That the language of the proposed treaty article insures
against inadvertent banning of systems or operational modes
intended to be permitted.
- 3.
- That such a treaty will not serve as a device for “legal”
military and industrial espionage.
- 4.
- That weapon systems to be banned may not be useful at some
future time for the safety and security of the U.S.
Issue 2. Legal considerations involving
relationship between Law of the Sea5 and
ACDA’s proposal.6
Agreed:
- 1.
- That the most apparent and immediate legal defects of the
draft ACDA proposal could be
cured by redrafting. (This has been done.)
Not Agreed:
- 1.
- That the legal aspects of any seabed arms control agreement
reached at this time will not be the genesis of new and
disturbing legal theories and precedents affecting the ongoing
development of other seabed legal and jurisdictional
regimes.
- 2.
- That it is possible at this time to determine the amount of
sea room which may be required for the deployment of sea-based
strategic weapon systems.
- 3.
- That we can reach an accommodation with the USSR with respect to a baseline
from which the limits of prohibition are to be measured.
Issue 3. The relative military value of future
weapon systems options.
Agreed:
- 1.
- That most fixed sea-based systems would be more costly from a
fiscal, industrial and manpower resource standpoint than either
mobile sea-based or fixed land-based systems.
- 2.
- That existing geographic and demographic asymmetries make the
possible use of seabed strategic weapon systems more attractive
to the US than to the USSR.
- 3.
- That ACDA’s proposal does not
afford the US any military advantage.
- 4.
- There are no weapon systems in current or projected DOD plans which would be prohibited
by this proposal.
Not Agreed:
- 1.
- That economic savings purported to arise from ACDA’s proposal can be
identified.
- 2.
- That the issue of economic savings is germane to discussions
of ACDA’s proposal.
- 3.
- That the long term political advantages to be gained from
adoption of ACDA’s proposal
have been sufficiently identified.
- 4.
- That the possible economic savings and political advantages
outweigh the possible strategic and military disadvantages which
may accrue.
Issue 4. Verification problems associated with
proposal.
Agreed:
- 1.
- There is a high probability that we could detect the
development of a prohibited system before it became
operational.
- 2.
- We could almost certainly detect large scale construction
activity on the seabed but to determine exactly what was being
constructed is a difficult problem.
- 3.
- It is unlikely that we could detect small scale deployments of
some types of prohibited systems but could probably detect large
scale deployments of these systems.
Not Agreed:
- 1.
- That it is unlikely that the USSR would deploy large numbers of unprotected
strategic systems.
- 2.
- That the extent of our agreed verification capability is
adequate to protect our national security interests.
- 3.
- That the existing verification capability is capable of timely
detection of a treaty violation.
Concerns about the verification of a seabed arms control agreement lead
the Joint Chiefs of Staff to believe that the adoption of a specific
arms control proposal at this time would not be in the national interest
and has a potential for grave harm.