139. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in Germany1
560. You are requested to deliver following letter from President to Chancellor Adenauer at earliest opportunity:
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My dear Chancellor Adenauer:
I was very glad to receive your letter of August 29, 1961,2 which Ambassador Grewe brought me, and I particularly welcome the opportunity to have the benefit of your views at this critical time.
I agree entirely with your estimate of the severity of the crisis we are experiencing, and of the likelihood that worse is yet to come. Thus, I certainly concur that it is most important for us to remain in close touch and to be able to consult so that we may be in a position to respond rapidly and appropriately to any development in the situation.
It is with this in mind that we are undertaking a substantially increased military effort which is intended to impress Khrushchev with [Page 390] our determination, and which we hope will serve to invigorate our Allies and stimulate comparable efforts by them. If ever there was an illustration of the need for NATO and justification of the reasons why it was founded, the issue of Berlin provides it.
Since we are sure of ourselves and firm in our resolution, I do not share the point of view that we should be reluctant to negotiate, on the grounds that to do so might be misinterpreted as a sign of weakness on our part. We have certainly given Khrushchev no cause to indulge in any illusions that we are suing for negotiations as a result of his pressures. At the same time, both public opinion in democratic countries and the sheet logic of a thermonuclear war demand that we exhaust every effort to find a peaceful solution consistent with the preservation of our vital interests. If Western governments are to have the support of their populations in the grave period ahead, should the Soviets carry out their threats to take unilateral action against our position in Berlin, we must have shown them by our words and by our actions that we have made every reasonable effort to seek a peaceful solution of the crisis. This will, of course, also be important if, as seems likely, the Berlin issue should get involved at some stage in the United Nations.
When our Foreign Ministers meet here September 14, they will undoubtedly discuss not only the tactics and procedures leading to negotiation, but also the factors bearing on the substance of our negotiating position. I must share with you my concern as to how we can manage to keep the Russians from being informed about these vital and secret matters by the press of the free world. This question of leaks to the press is a serious one, and I know we agree it behooves all of us to take whatever measures we can to assure the highest possible degree of discretion in the crucial months ahead.
The Foreign Ministers will also review the work which has been going forward here on counter measures which can be taken against further Soviet encroachments. I entirely agree with you as to the danger of creating discouragement as well as an impression of weakness by failing to respond vigorously to Communist harassments directed at aspects of our position which we do not define as vital but which are nevertheless psychologically and politically important. There is, however, a practical problem of finding counter measures in a given situation which will be appropriate and effective. It will require constant vigilance and imaginativeness not only to react to but to anticipate the moves which a resourceful and ruthless opponent, drawing on all the advantages which geography gives him in the Berlin situation, may take. We must carefully prepare a series of selected responses to various harassments. I am encouraged by the careful planning which is being done in this connection.
[Page 391]In addition to preparing for various contingencies, we can and we should ensure that Khrushchev does not make any hazardous move for lack of having been warned about its consequences. In particular, we have made it abundantly clear to Khrushchev that any attempt to block, or to interfere with, our access to Berlin, be it on the ground, or, as more recently hinted by the Soviet Union, in the air, is a vital matter to us and would be taken by us as an act of aggression.
As you know, I informed Ambassador Grewe that I was about to announce the appointment of General Clay as my personal representative in Berlin. Not only will his immense experience in matters relating to Berlin be of great value to me, but I feel sure that his presence there, in the difficult times we face, will be regarded by Germans and people everywhere as an earnest of our resolve to fulfill the commitments to which we have pledged ourselves repeatedly, and which Vice President Johnson reaffirmed in my name in the course of his recent visit to Berlin.
In conclusion, I wish to reiterate to you our intention to maintain our solidarity with the Federal Republic of Germany. I believe our actions, as well as our words, already bear witness to this. We are prepared to do whatever is necessary to meet this challenge, rather than capitulate, or make damaging concessions which would violate our solemn commitments. This is a moment in which the future of the North Atlantic Alliance is at stake, and our collective response may in turn determine whether the world as we know it is to survive.
I am convinced that we will all find within ourselves the resources, the spirit, and the statesmanship necessary to survive this danger and to move on toward our goals of peace, in justice and freedom.
Sincerely, John F. Kennedy
End text.
- Source: Department of State, Presidential Correspondence: Lot 66 D 204. Secret; Limit Distribution; Verbatim Text. The source text bears the notation “Delivered Sept 6.”↩
- See footnote 2, Document 133.↩