Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963, Volume IV, Vietnam, August–December 1963

46. Telegram From the Central Intelligence Agency Station in Saigon to the Agency¹

Saigon, September 2, 1963.

[document number not declassified] Subject: Rufus Phillips conversations with General Kim on 31 August 1963.

1. Met General Kim about 5:30 PM, rather later than anticipated, and asked him what the situation was. Kim said that Nhu clearly expected coup attempt, that Tung’s special forces were on full alert, and that they were in a position to prevent any coup attempt from succeeding at this time. Planning would continue, he said, but on tightly compartmented basis for security reason.

2. I then asked Kim if he aware General Khiem had seen Harkins that morning and if he knew what had been discussed. Kim said he had not heard of meeting and was sure Big Minh had not been informed.

3. I then told Kim that General Khiem had told Harkins in effect that Generals could do nothing, all planning had ceased, and perhaps best solution would be for Nhu to become Prime Minister with support of the Generals in exchange for more authority for Army.²

4. Kim reacted strongly and, I believe, sincerely. Was vehement in saying that Khiem had not spoken for the rest of Generals, admitted that activity had been curtailed because of apparent security leaks, but insisted that under no circumstances would Nhu be acceptable to them. Further, he did not know why Khiem had made these statements, but believed it probable that they were deliberate effort to mislead Harkins. Admitted possibility also that Khiem had decided to turn against coup group, or might be attempting to play lone hand.

5. Kim then said that would check immediately with Big Minh, and that he would seek to bring Minh to meeting that evening with Col Conein (for whom he specifically asked) and myself. This he wanted to do if possible (although General Minh might object for security reasons) to confirm Khiem was not speaking for Minh.

6. I agreed to meeting, but pointed out that Americans now seemed convinced as result of Khiem’s statements that Generals lacked will to effect coup, and that it might be necessary for the Americans to continue supporting administration as presently constituted. Best way of saving situation, I said seemed to be for Minh to speak frankly to Harkins. Kim replied he believed Minh would want to speak to Ambassador, if to anyone.

7. I told him I doubted if this possible but would investigate and, in any case, would meet him at 8 o’clock that evening. We broke up meeting after this discussion.

8. At Ambassador’s residence I discussed situation briefly with Mr. Dunn, who advised me that proposed meeting with Ambassador was not desirable. After picking up Col Conein I returned to agreed meeting place. There I was again met by Kim, who asked that Col Conein stand guard while he talked to me.

9. Kim said that he had reported to Minh, who had said, in substance:

a. Khiem had not yet informed him of meeting with Harkins.

b. He had definite information that Nhu was aware Generals actively planning coup.

c. Had received information that Americans other than Conein and [less than 1 1ine not declassified] had contacted lower-ranking Vietnamese officers, urging them to effect coup. In this connection he mentioned that a Col Cuong (sic) had evidently been so contacted.

d. Vietnamese Special Forces had been placed on alert as result of Nhu’s knowledge of Generals’ intentions, and it was therefore impossible to do anything at this moment, without courting almost certain failure.

e. This did not mean planning was discontinued, or that he was not determined to go ahead and overthrow government. Under no circumstances would Nhu be acceptable.

f. He was sorry if Americans believed that Generals lacked the will. They did not, but at moment they lacked the means.

g. Americans should understand they had given so much to Nhu in the past that it was impossible to organize counter-action in few days. Further, so far as most Vietnamese officers were aware, US still supported present government. Words had been said against it, but there were no overt actions to back up the words. As result, whole operation against the government rested upon his word and that of a few others, which was not enough for immediate action by these officers.

h. Finally, he said, he understood why it was not feasible to talk to Ambassador, and that he did not wish to speak to General Harkins at this time.

10. After thus expressing Minh’s views, Kim commented he agreed with Minh’s assessment of situation and fully shared his views. Said that as friend he wanted me to know he was irrevocably committed against Nhus. Further, was confident that if US indicated firm disapproval of Nhus they would be overthrown, but that this would take time, given their present preponderance of power. Americans, like Vietnamese, must be patient and persevering, and most important things they could do at this time would be:

a. Clamp on tight security to protect Vietnamese who opposed Nhus, and;

b. Indicate by actions, as well as words, that they (Americans) do not support Nhus or their creatures.

11. Lastly, Kim said he and Minh intended to thoroughly investigate Khiem’s reliability.

1. Source: Department of State, Central Files, POL 27 S VIET. Secret; Immediate. The source text is a copy sent by the CIA to the Department of State exclusive for Rusk, Ball, Harriman, and Hilsman. Copies were also sent to the White House exclusive for Bundy and to the Assistant Chief of Staff (Intelligence), Department of the Army, exclusive for McNamara, Gilpatric, Taylor, and Krulak. Received at the Department of State at 1:01 p.m.
2. See Document 33.