114. Memorandum From the Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs (Hilsman) to the Secretary of State1

SUBJECT

  • Viet-Nam

Attached are two cables—one on the “Reconciliation Track” and one on the “Pressures and Persuasion Track.”

I think it is important to note that these are true alternatives—i.e., the “Reconciliation Track” is not the same as Phase I of the “Pressures and Persuasion Track.” The difference is in public posture. Phase I of the “Pressures and Persuasion Track” continues to maintain a public posture of disapproval of the GVN’s policies of repression. The “Reconciliation Track” requires a public posture of acquiescence in what the GVN has recently done, and even some effort by the US to put these recent actions in as good a light as we possibly can.

If this distinction, which is a real one, is preserved, then it seems to me clear that it will not be possible to switch from the “Reconciliation Track” to a “Pressures and Persuasion Track” if the former does not work—except in the event that Diem and Nhu provide us with another dramatic act of repression as an excuse. On the other hand, it will be possible to switch from a “Pressures and Persuasion Track” to a “Reconciliation Track” at any time during Phases I and II of the “Pressures and Persuasion Track,” although probably not after we had entered Phases III and IV.

My own judgment is that the “Reconciliation Track” will not work. I think that Nhu has already decided on an adventure. I think he feels that the progress already made in the war and the US materiel on hand gives him freedom to launch on a course that has a minimum and a maximum goal. The minimum goal would be sharply to reduce the American presence in those key positions which have political significance in the provinces and the strategic hamlet program and to avoid any meaningful concessions that would go against his Mandarin, “personalist” vision of the future of Viet-Nam. The maximum goal I would think, would be a deal with North Viet-Nam for a truce in the war, a complete removal of the US presence, and a “neutralist” or “Titoist” but still separate South Viet-Nam.

[Page 222]

At the same time, I would give Phases I and II of the “Pressures and Persuasion Track” only a fair chance of success, and I think that Phases III and IV will create a situation over which we would have little if any control, at least if they were launched in the immediate future.

Thus, I would recommend adopting as our initial course Phases I and II of the “Pressures and Persuasion Track” testing and probing as we go along and being ready to switch to “Reconciliation” at any moment that it becomes necessary, using the decision to switch as a means of getting at least nominal concessions in order to save as much of our face as possible.

I make this recommendation with the caveat that we do not have sufficient information to make a final and complete judgment on either of the two key issues—where Nhu will lead Viet-Nam if he remains in power and whether or not enough people will continue to fight the Viet Cong to bring victory.

The trouble is the necessary information for a final judgment on these two key issues is simply not available. Nor is anyone likely to acquire it before we make a fundamental decision. This is not an unfamiliar dilemma in the making of foreign policy. At such a time governments perforce operate on informed hunch, hoping only that the hunch they use is the best one available.

But I also think that at such a time governments must not even attempt to make final judgments or to take irreversible actions, but to proceed by incremental steps. It is for this reason that I would reject both “Reconciliation” and Phases III and IV—at least at this time.

[Attachment 1]

Draft Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in Vietnam2

Eyes only Lodge. Approved Action Plan for Viet-Nam is outlined below. You should proceed to implement at once.

Our analysis of the situation is as follows: Diem and Nhu are well entrenched and will resist changes stubbornly. Ultimate sanction of cutting aid thus runs risk of forcing them into a corner where their choices will be between capitulation and departure of whole family, and showdown and either Gotterdammerung or a deal with the DRV, with latter more likely.

[Page 223]

We are therefore faced with problem not only of reconciliation with GVN but of obtaining sufficient popular support for the Diem-Nhu government to enable it to win the war. The central problem will still be Nhu—his position as political symbol to the disaffected, his philosophy and concept of the State, his conviction that Americans in positions we deem essential are an obstacle to achieving his goal, and his possible machinations with the DRV.

Within Viet-Nam the major target of rehabilitation effort must be the urban elite. Ensuring their support will require credible reforms, which will in turn help to improve the GVN image abroad.

Approach

You should institute dialogue with Diem against background of current internal US and external world pressure for reform in GVN. Basis of conversation is Presidential letter forwarded via immediately following cable. Tone should be persuasion combined with sympathy and understanding. Major inducement will be U.S. official statements designed to restore Diem and GVN image at home and abroad (see Public Posture below). Probably wise to have someone like Lansdale assist you through long-standing personal friendship with Diem.

You should say that the programs thus far followed to win the war have been sound and generally successful but have lagged in that they did not take sufficient account of the aspirations of the leading elements primarily in the main urban centers but also in cities at the provincial and district levels. Their support vital to arrest present deterioration.

Political opposition as expressed in the Buddhist movement was not caused by Communist subversion but by the absence of a feeling of stake and participation in the Government and its programs on the part of these leading elements.

Program

Following are major topics you should plan to cover with Diem: a) FamilyDiem should think deeply and sincerely about the role of members of his family, not only Nhu and Madame Nhu but also Thuc and Can. He should consider making their role more open and less susceptible to charges they are conspiratorial and therefore nefarious in their activities.

b) Party—Can Lao party should not be covert or semi-covert but a broad association of supporters engaged in a common, winning cause. This could perhaps be best accomplished by disbanding the party and starting afresh.

[Page 224]

c) Elections—These should be held, should be free, and should be widely observed. Candidate lists should be reopened and members of the opposition should be allowed full and free participation. They should and can be defeated in a free battle.

d) Assembly—Assembly should be convoked, if necessary in extraordinary session. The Government should submit its policies to it and should receive its confidence. An Assembly resolution would be most useful for external image purposes.

e) NormalcyDiem should get everyone back to work and get them to focus on winning the war. He should be broadminded and compassionate in his attitude toward those who have, for understandable reasons, found it difficult under recent circumstances fully to support him.

A real spirit of reconciliation could work wonders on the people he heads; a punitive, harsh or autocratic attitude could only lead to further resistance.

f) Press—The press should be allowed full latitude of expression. Diem will be criticized, but leniency and cooperation with the domestic and foreign press at this time would bring praise for his leadership in due course.

g) Buddhists and Students—Let them out and leave them unmolested. This more than anything else would demonstrate the return of a better day and the refocussing on the main job at hand, the war.

h) Secret and Combat Police—Keep its role to a minimum and as circumspect as possible, thereby indicating clearly that a period of reconciliation and political stability has returned.

Following are additional specific remedial actions you should bring up with Diem as appropriate:

a.
A repeal or suitable amendment Decree 10.
b.
Rehabilitation by ARVN of pagodas.
c.
General Association of Buddhists to publish history of Buddhist agitation, naming those who subverted it into political vehicle to overthrow Diem.
d.
Establishment of Ministry of Religious Affairs.
e.
Liberation of passport issuances and currency restrictions enabling all to leave who wish to.
f.
Offer of 1000 student scholarships in US permitting departure of inimical elements.
g.
Cabinet changes to inject new untainted blood, remove targets of popular discontent.
h.
Acceptance of Buddhist Inquiry Mission from World Federation to report true facts of situation to world.

Public Posture

Concurrently, the Department will undertake to: [Page 225]

a.
Work in the UN to blunt the debate in the UN on the resolution condemning GVN for human rights violation.
b.
Prepare White Paper placing recent events in perspective, noting essential political character of Buddhist agitation, that only small numbers of pagodas occupied by force and violence, and that Buddhist religion never really seriously interfered with as far as majority Vietnamese concerned.
c.
Present this privately before publication to key members of Congress.
d.
Announce lifting of travel ban to SVN in view of “reestablishment of situation”.
e.
Publicize with appropriate indications of approval each step taken by GVN towards better image.

[Attachment 2]

Draft Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in Vietnam3

Eyes only for Ambassador Lodge. Exclusive for Admiral Felt. Saigon’s 478.4 Action Plan for Viet-Nam is outlined below. Phases 1 and 2 approved at highest level, and you should proceed to progressive implementation. Washington decision will not be taken on further phases which add increasing pressures, until we see results of actions under Phases 1 and 2.

Part I, Objective and Concept.

Objective. Our overall objective in South Viet-Nam is to win war against Viet Cong. Recent repressive actions of GVN have created disaffection which will inevitably affect war effort unless GVN undertakes changes in both policies and personnel that are effective and credible.

While withdrawal by US would be immediately disastrous to war effort, acquiescence by US in recent GVN actions would be equally disastrous, although less immediately so. We therefore propose follow policy of persuasion coupled with pressure on GVN aimed at inducing it to take actions which will insure sufficient popular support to win war against Viet Cong. This policy should be implemented in such a way as to avoid triggering either civil violence or radical move by GVN to make deal with DRV and remove US presence.

[Page 226]

Actions by GVN. Check list of desired GVN actions to ensure popular support necessary to win war are divided into two categories: (A) actions designed to reverse recent policies of repression, and (B) actions essential to set psychological tone and image which will make category A actions effective and credible.

Category A Actions:

1.
Release and freedom from pursuit of all those recently arrested, except only those who have indubitably engaged in subversive action.
2.
Announcement that Vice President Tho is designated to negotiate with a legitimate reconstituted Intersect Committee of Buddhists, these negotiations to lead to joint statement of reconciliation.
3.
Effective revocation of martial law.
4.
Removal of all censorship.
5.
Scheduling of a definite date for holding of new National Assembly elections; reopening of list of candidates and guarantee that elections will be free.
6.
Convocation of extraordinary session of National Assembly to announce actions above.

Category B Actions:

1.
Diem’s government should be reorganized and broadened to include respected individuals such as Tran Quoc Buu and Pham Huy Quat, with one or two posts given to senior generals such as Big Minh and Kim and with a recall to public service of one or two individuals who have left Vietnam, such as Vu Van Maul
2.
Since Nhu and Madame Nhu symbolize to world and to important Vietnamese opinion GVN policies of repression, Nhus’ power must be terminated in order to lend credibility to statements of policy changes and assure a fresh start. This requires their departure from Vietnam, at least for extended vacation.

Need to set psychological tone and image is paramount. Diem has taken positive actions in past of greater or less scope than those contemplated in Category A but which have had little practical political effect. Diem has already taken many of steps in Category A but in such a way as to make them hollow or, even if real, unbelievable (e.g., martial law already nominally lifted, assembly elections scheduled, and puppet bonzes established).

Thus specific “reforms” are apt to have little impact without dramatic, symbolic move which convinces Vietnamese that reforms are real. As practical matter this can only be achieved by some visible reduction in influence of Nhus, who are—justifiably or not—symbol to disaffected of all that they detest in GVN.

Even though it not our intention remove Diem, Ngo family may so resist reversal of policies and removal of Nhus as to make Diem’s removal inevitable. If so, our goal should be so to structure situation that Diem has option of staying without his brother or retiring of his own free will.

[Page 227]

We recognize possibility this campaign may also result in resumed coup plotting. We propose to give no encouragement to such activities at this time, although we remain ready to listen to serious approaches.

Part II, Phase 1.

1.
Phase 1 concentrates on suasion by a continuation of your conversations with Diem on problem of US-GVN relations in all its ramifications. Although past experience does not lead us to be hopeful that suasion alone will accomplish desired results, it seems essential to make attempt if only to establish a record and lay groundwork for Phase 2.
2.
You should present to President Diem Presidential letter5 forwarded via immediately following cable.
3.
In presenting Presidential letter it is suggested that you review situation along following lines:

Since your last meeting with Diem USG has been faced with crisis of confidence in Vietnamese Government on part of American public and more particularly Congress. Diem is undoubtedly aware of increasing tempo of criticism of his government appearing in all sectors of US press without regard to geographic location. In addition, he is aware of movement in US Congress, exemplified by Church resolution, which if unchecked could result in Congressional action to cut off all aid to Vietnam.

Another factor must be borne in mind, and that is world opinion. This too has been universally condemnatory of regime and its recent policies of repression. This will inevitably be manifested dramatically in General Assembly when present resolution on Buddhist question is debated. US and other friendly nations who are aiding Vietnam will find it politically difficult support GVN in UN under present circumstances. US cannot control world opinion, but as leader of free world its attitudes carry great deal of influence. If US, major support of South Vietnam, has its confidence in GVN restored, this will have favorable effect on attitudes shown by other nations.

In order to preserve aid program to South Vietnam, which President sincerely desires to do, he has written President Diem personal letter urging him to take steps necessary to permit USG to meet criticisms of its people and Congress and continue assisting Vietnamese war effort.

4.
We believe you should also reiterate to Diem actions (see checklist above) which US considers desirable for him to take to counter US and world criticisms and enable us to continue cooperate with him.
5.
In this phase we hereby authorize limited, voluntary evacuation of American dependents. Separate cable being forwarded on implementing instructions.
[Page 228]

Part III, Phase 2.

1.

Concept.

In this phase we add selective cuts in aid which will have least effect on war effort as pressures in your continuing conversations with Diem.

Tone of your conversations should continue be that US purpose is to preserve aid program to SVN, which President desires to do. Regretfully, however, has become politically necessary take certain actions convince US public and Congress we supporting only those GVN efforts with which we agree, i.e., fight against Viet Cong. Otherwise, Congress may cut off all aid.

We notify Diem of these actions with great reluctance and wish assure him we will attempt continue or redirect aid for programs essential to war effort as this can be worked out. If Diem can take dramatic actions we requesting promptly, we feel we can quickly restore conditions but we may have make further cuts, again in order avoid total cut of aid.

2.

Actions.

Your Approach to Diem.

In context of above, you should inform Diem that in light of unsatisfactory response to your (Phase 1) effort at persuasion, USG has now instructed you review for him actions relating our programs Viet-Nam which have now, or recently, been taken.

A.
We are not moving ahead with decisions on major AID actions, such as negotiation of $33 million additional new PL-480 sales agreement, $5 million in September allotments for the Commercial Import Program (CIP), $5.5 million in releases for licenses of July-August CIP allotments, and the approval of certain new contracts.
B.
We will withhold our support from organs of GVN which have been supporting policies of repression, and will specifically withhold additional supplies and equipment from certain operations and elements of the combat police and DGI and ARVN PsyWar.
C.
We will require written guarantees that AID provided equipment will not be used in acts against non-Communist political or religious groups from any GVN agency likely to be involved in such acts.
D.
We have given instructions to Mr. John Richardson to suspend immediately payments to all projects serving the current politically repressive activities. Projects not serving those activities may continue to be supported by payments directly to project officers, provided the projects are in our mutual best interest.
E.
The Executive Branch considers any effort to contest moves in Congress to restrict or terminate U.S. aid programs in Viet-Nam bound to be ineffective under present circumstances.
F.
The US did not oppose the inscription of an item proposed in the United Nations General Assembly censoring the violation of human rights in Viet-Nam, and will not be in a position, due to the [Page 229] state of domestic opinion in the US, to oppose its adoption by the General Assembly unless a radical improvement in the situation in Viet-Nam occurs.
G.
Reluctantly the United States has decided that the unsettled conditions in South Viet-Nam require us to evacuate all American dependents.
H.
USOM and USIS/Saigon will withhold additional supplies and equipment now being delivered in Saigon from those operations and elements of the Combat Police and ARVN PsyWar and Director General of Information which have been used in support of policies of repression.

Background on AID Actions Above.

Following is provided for your background information on AID aspect of your approach to Diem above, and may at your discretion be communicated to Diem during your conversations.

In recent weeks AID has already been delaying:

A.
Issuance of Procurement Authorization on $5.5 million in Supporting Assistance/Commercial Import Program (CIP) funds allotted to Mission in July-August but not yet obligated to GVN.
B.
Allotment of approximately $5 million to Mission for September issuance of Procurement Authorizations for Commercial Import Program.
C.
Amendment of current PL-480 agreement adding $2.9 million in sweetened condensed milk.
D.
Negotiation of new PL-480 agreement covering roughly CY 1964 for about $33 million in cotton, flour, condensed milk and tobacco.
E.
Approval of major contracts expected to be presented shortly under loan projects including Saigon-Cholon waterworks (treatment plant $9 million) and Saigon Electric Power ($4 million).

Disclosure of Your Approach.

You should not immediately announce publicly the content of your approach to Diem and the actions taken. You should obtain Diem’s reaction on later visits. During your approach, however, you should inform Diem that at some stage White House must announce general nature of actions taken by USG. You should tell Diem that you have authority to recommend to Washington timing of this announcement.

Should we move into this phase (Phase 2), you have discretionary authority to inform certain key Vietnamese, to be selected by you, in confidence about your approach to Diem immediately after it has been made.

Undisclosed Actions.

Begin FYI. In this phase we would immediately institute following other actions which should not be revealed to Diem himself but which would rapidly become apparent.

[Page 230]
A.
Acquisition of substantial cash resources in plasters, in preparation for direct support by-passing Saigon.
B.
On same day or about same time as your approach to Diem, Richardson and certain his officers would indicate to Colonel Tung and selected Vietnamese officers and officials suspension of payments to those projects serving current repressive activities. Burden of CAS statements would be along following lines: “Ambassador has instructed Richardson and staff cease certain payments on instruction received from highest levels in Washington. Reason for suspension of aid to certain programs is that USG cannot condone actions of repression on part GVN and cannot for one moment support such activities.”
C.
At your discretion, Chief of Station might talk directly to Ngo Dinh Nhu with view persuade him to depart. End FYI.

Additional Actions.

Additional measures which may be taken in Phase 2 at your discretion:

A.
Demand by USOM Director for return, or refund, of trucks and other equipment used by police in raids on pagodas and schools.
B.
Withholding of participation in hamlet militia leaders training program so long as it is directed by Colonel Tung.
C.

Withhold quarterly release 25 million plasters due shortly to Department Defense PsyWar for their publications pending positive indication these funds will not be used to support policy of repression against Buddhists and students or other non-Communist groups or to publicize Nhus favorably.6

  1. Source: Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Vietnam Country Series, Memos and Miscellaneous, Part 11. Top Secret; Eyes Only. There is no drafting information on the source text, but the memorandum was drafted by Hilsman with the assistance of officers in the Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs. (Hilsman, To Move a Nation, p. 506; Department of State, Office of the Historian, Vietnam Interviews, Roger Hilsman, May 15, 1984) A handwritten note on the source text indicates that the attached cables had been revised.
  2. Top Secret; Immediate. Drafted by Hilsman and others. To be repeated to CINCPAC for POLAD exclusive for Admiral Felt.
  3. Top Secret; Immediate. To be repeated to CINCPAC POLAD.
  4. Document 86.
  5. Infra.
  6. In Hilsman’s draft paper of September 16 for persuasion and pressure against the Diem regime, there were distinct Phases 3 and 4 of Part III. Phase 3 in the September 16 paper has been incorporated into this cable in revised form as Part III, Phase 2. Phase 4 has been dropped. The substantive portion of Phase 4 in Hilsman’s draft paper of September 16 reads as follows:

    “It appears that if Diem has refused to accept US demands in the face of Phase 3 actions, there is no alternative but to announce (publicly or privately) complete disassociation with the Diem regime. Such an announcement should reassert US desires to continue support of the Vietnamese people in their fight for freedom, and to indicate US willingness to support an alternative regime—either in Saigon or elsewhere in Viet-Nam. [Here follows a listing of actions to accompany such an announcement.] If the US correctly has estimated civil and military readiness to overthrow Diem, an alternate government should emerge with sufficient popular support to carry on the fight against the Viet Cong while coping with Diem, if he remains in the Saigon area. If the US has not correctly assessed the readiness of the military to desert Diem and he, in fact, retains control of most major forces, the US would face the final decision of US military intervention or complete withdrawal from Viet-Nam. In this situation, US military intervention to fight a former ally could serve no useful purpose, since there would not exist a sufficient popular base of support of US objectives. Inherent in all Phase 4 activities is the element of extreme danger to US essential personnel remaining in Viet-Nam. Casualties should be expected, particularly in the event there is no popular abandonment of Diem.” (Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Meetings and Memoranda, Meetings on Vietnam)