Conference files, lot 60 D 627, CF 320

Memorandum by Robert Cutler, Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, to the Secretary of State1

top secret

Attached is a copy of my notes of this morning’s Conference in the President’s office.

For my own convenience, I have summarized the Conference as follows:

a.
In the event of overt, unprovoked Chinese Communist aggression in Southeast Asia which would be a direct threat to the security of the United States and to other nations having security interests in the region, Congress would be asked immediately to declare that a state of war existed with Communist China, and the U.S. should then launch large-scale air and naval attacks on ports, airfields, and other military targets in mainland China, using as militarily appropriate “new weapons”, in the expectation that some of such other nations would join in opposing such aggression.
b.
The U.S. should seek firm agreement in advance from other nations having security interests in the region (such as some, or all, of the Philippine Islands, Thailand, France, the Associated States, Australia, New Zealand, etc.) to join with the U.S. in counteracting this threat to the security of the free world.

I trust that the Secretary of State will make an appropriate summary to present at the Council Meeting tomorrow.

Robert Cutler

[Attachment]

Conference in the President’s Office, June 2, 1954, 11:45 a.m.

Present:

  • The President
  • Secretary Dulles
  • Deputy Secretary Anderson
  • Admiral Radford
  • Mr. MacArthur
  • Mr. Cutler
1.

Secretary Dulles said that he had asked the President to hold the meeting so as to be sure that there was uniformity of views with respect to action which the U.S. might take in the Far East. He drew a sharp distinction between the types of action: [Page 530]

a.
Intervention by the U.S. in the Indochina conflict as a part of a collective grouping and subject to the preconditions already agreed upon.
b.
In response to overt unprovoked Chinese Communist aggression in the Far East.

Secretary Dulles pointed out that in view of what he and the President had already said, it seemed to him that such overt unprovoked Chinese Communist aggression (by air, sea or ground) would be like a declaration of war against the United States by Communist China, and would involve a direct threat to U.S. security. In such case he thought the President should go to Congress for authority to act in the best interests of the United States, without any requirement of having to bargain with other nations as to how they would act.

2.
The President asked whether the U.S. should not look carefully to see whether it was more directly threatened by this overt unprovoked Chinese Communist aggression than was the U.N. If he was to go to the Congress for authority, the President said, he would not ask any half-way measures. If the situation warranted it, there should be declared a state of war with China; and possibly there should be a strike at Communist Russia in view of her treaty with China. Reiterating that he would never be willing to have the U.S. go into Indochina alone, the President asked Secretary Dulles how he would state his appeal to Congress for authority in the case of overt unprovoked Chinese Communist aggression.
3.
Secretary Dulles stated that he would say that another aggressor was loose in the world; that this open unprovoked action by Communist China threatened the security of the United States and those allied with the United States by treaty. When the President asked if these circumstances would bring the ANZUS treaty into operation, the Secretary replied that it would. The President wanted to know how we could get the people of the United States behind a U.S. action to attack Communist China for aggressively moving to the south and not to the north against Japan. The Secretary replied that both the President and he had already publicly said that they would not tolerate a deliberate open act of aggression by the Communist Chinese. The President stated that he had always put the idea of collective undertakings in what he said, and that what he was now pleading for was preliminary preparation so as to be sure that someone was ready to go along with the United States in the event of open unprovoked Chinese Communist aggression. He also pointed out that the temper of the people in the U.S. was such today that the Administration, in asking for authority to use force against the Communist Chinese, might be defeated or that the resolution might just squeak through. The President said [Page 531] that the question at issue was not one merely of logic, but of how to bring along the American people into a realization of the danger to U.S. security in an open unprovoked Chinese Communist attack.
4.
Radford intervened to say that he had just talked with the Chief of Staff of Australia, and that he was heartily with us in our view. In fact, General Rowell said that he was surprised that, now the election was over, the U.S. hadn’t already turned the heat on Australia.
5.
The President reiterated his apprehension about the U.S. going it alone. If there were an open unprovoked Chinese Communist aggression before a settlement at Geneva, he supposed the U.S. would have with it Thailand, the Philippines, France, and the Associated States. He thought we should work now to get some others like Australia to be ready to stand with us. Then it would be much easier to make plain to the Congress and to the American people why it was necessary for the U.S. to act. If, under these circumstances, the U.S. took action against Communist China, the President said there should be no half-way measures or frittering around. The Navy and Air Force should go in with full power, using new weapons, and strike at air bases and ports in mainland China.
6.
Several people expressed the view that, particularly if the position of the U.S. were clear to the world, Communist China would not be likely to commit an act of open unprovoked aggression in Southeast Asia. The President suggested that the Secretary of State should state at a press conference that when appropriate arrangements with allies had been made, such specific allies would be prepared to stand with the United States in such an event. Of course, he went on, if all our allies desert us and none will stand with us, that would be a different story, requiring a different consideration. We have got to keep the Pacific as an American lake.
7.
Reference was made to Thailand and the Philippines having been hurt by non-inclusion in the Five-Power Staff Conference. The President said that it should be made very plain to them that the Five-Power Staff Conference was only one of several group talks being held, and that the purpose of it was not to make definite plans for the defense of Southeast Asia, but rather to use what forces the participating countries could marshal. We agreed with Radford that the talks should be kept as short as possible, and that there should be the minimum publicity about them.
8.
At the end of the meeting, Cutler suggested to the Secretary of State that he prepare a paragraph satisfactory to him for use in the record of tomorrow’s Council meeting.
Robert Cutler
  1. For background information on this memorandum and its attachment, see Cutler’s memorandum of a conversation between himself and the President on June 1, vol. xiii, Part 2, p. 1647.