Eisenhower Library, John Foster Dulles papers, “1951–1959, Berlin”

No. 472
The Secretary of State to the President1

top secret personal and private

Dear Mr. President: I enclose herewith a memorandum of a conversation which I had with Mr. Molotov alone with the addition only of his interpreter Troyanovski. This talk followed a talk which I had with him on atomic energy procedure at which Merchant, Bohlen and Zarubin were present.2 At this point they left as indicated in the enclosed memorandum.

The fact of having had this private talk is of itself of considerable importance. I particularly wanted to be sure that Molotov appreciated the seriousness of possible developments in Asia.

I am not at all certain as to the degree of influence which Soviet Russia can exert on this situation. It is entirely possible that the Chinese Communists will continue to run amuck until we recognize them and deal with them directly rather than through the Soviet Union as an intermediary. On the other hand, there can be no assurance that if we do recognize them, they will not continue to misbehave.

Our conference here breaks up on Thursday. I hope to be back by Friday afternoon after stopping off to see Adenauer briefly en route.

I understand that you will be away but that we are having breakfast on Wednesday. I will go into these matters more fully at that time, but I thought it might be useful and of interest to you in the meantime to see the enclosed memorandum, which is of course highly secret. Nothing that happened made it seem useful for me to report the talk to Eden or Bidault.

Sincerely yours,

John Foster Dulles
[Page 1080]

[Enclosure]

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Secretary of State

top secret personal and private
  • Participants: Mr. Dulles
  • Mr. Molotov
  • Mr. Troyanovski (interpreter)

Mr. Dulles: Disturbed by lack of any concrete substantive agreement by conference. There has been bilateral agreement as to the next procedural phase of atomic talks, but this is no great achievement. Had hoped for some positive results at least on Austria until yesterday when Soviets made totally unacceptable proposals.3 This leaves us with nothing to show as reason for another such conference. This regrettable because conferences if they can justify themselves also offer useful opportunities for informal personal contacts such as this moment.

Particularly disturbed about conditions in Asia. Fear Communist Chinese regime is recklessly seeking to show off its strength and extend its power. This could lead by one step after another to a chain of events which would have a result none of us wanted. We assume Soviets want peace and we hope Soviet Union will exert some restraint upon Communist China. A Korean conference might help to begin to normalize the situation and establish in this limited sphere some direct high level talks which, if serious, could be a useful replacement to the belligerent words and deeds which were now characteristic of Communist China. All this is said out of our sincere desire for peace.

Mr. Molotov: Thanks for frankness of Dulles’ expression. Believes fact of holding Foreign Ministers conference is itself a gain. It would hardly be expected that in a few days much results would come, having regard to the long interruption of nearly five years. As to Austria, no doubt part of Soviet proposal unwelcome, but it went much of the way to give Austria what it wants. At least it should make it possible to carry forward the talks in the future with good prospect of a positive result. As to Korea, Political Conference would be possible if US would accept India which has great interest in Korean affair. As to Indochina, the trouble does not come from Communist China but from bad French colonial practices. Molotov had offered Bidault the good offices of the Soviet Union and China in effecting an Indochina settlement but Bidault made no response.

[Page 1081]

Dulles: Agreed there was some advantage in having this FM conference but difficult to continue the conference method if no positive results from the conference. As to Austria, continuing Soviet occupation quite unacceptable. Regarding Soviet proposed neutralization, if Austria wants to be a Switzerland, US will not stand in the way, but this should not be imposed.

As to Korea, Dulles hoped Molotov would not interject India. Had thought Soviets accepted the US–French formula as to substance of composition of conference, but merely desired to avoid use of talk UN formula. As to Indochina, does not desire to use this either to criticize Communist China or defend French colonial policy. Importance now is not with the past but present and future. Whatever be the origins, situation now pregnant with danger of a vast scope because while Indochina is not itself of concern to the US, it could easily threaten vital interests of US. Therefore restraint should be exercised. It seemed that the danger of war in Europe was perhaps less and that the situation was somewhat stabilized, but the same could not yet be said of Asia.

Molotov: Thought that this exchange of views was very useful. As regards the possibility of a Korean Political Conference, he suggested that after the next meeting on the matter a representative of our two governments might meet to see if some formula on composition could be agreed upon.

The foregoing took place between 2:30 and 2:55 p.m., February 13, 1954, at the ACA Building, Berlin. The atmosphere was calm, each participant expressing himself soberly with deliberation of manner.

  1. The source text was sent as an enclosure to a letter from Dulles to Under Secretary Smith, dated Feb. 16, which stated that it was the only extant copy and had been seen by Merchant, MacArthur, Bowie, and Nash. Smith was instructed to get it “into the President’s hands under conditions of complete secrecy.”
  2. For a record of this conversation, see Dulte 71, supra.
  3. Regarding the Soviet proposals on Austria, see Secto 129, Document 464.