Office of the Historian

ODA files, lot 62 D 225, “Colonial Policy, General, 1953”

Memorandum by Edward P. Noziglia of the Office of Dependent Area Affairs

confidential
[Washington,] January 19, 1953.

The Colonial Issue and the United Nations

Belgium is very sensitive regarding the effect that statements made in the United Nations and actions taken by that Organization may have on the Belgian Congo and the Trust Territory of Ruanda–Urundi. This is understandable in terms of the vast importance of the Congo to the Belgian economy. It is 80 times the size of metropolitan Belgium and one-fourth the size of Europe. It is rich in copper, cobalt, palm oil, gold, industrial diamonds, tin and uranium.

The colonial policy of Belgium is, however, frequently criticized for being out of step with what is considered by many to be an enlightened colonial policy. The Belgian policy lays greatest emphasis on the social and economic development of the territory and very little emphasis is placed on political development and education for administration and management. To the critics of Belgian policy this contrasts unfavorably with the situation in most British territories where the development of self-government is encouraged. The Belgians are convinced of the wisdom of their policy, but this conviction has not made them less sensitive to criticism. In defense of their policy they assert that it has contributed to the economic and social betterment of the inhabitants and has enabled Belgium to keep its territories freer from internal disorders than any other part of Africa.

Although good working relations between the Belgian and United States Delegations to the United Nations are maintained, Belgian public opinion is often critical of United States positions in the United Nations discussions of colonial problems. Belgians are quick to point out the critical importance of the Congo’s raw materials to the defense of the free world and to the economic stability of Belgium. It appears to many Belgians that United States support of United Nations action in the dependent area field is incongruous with its efforts to build up a strong, free Europe.

1.
Belgium is regarded as the most conservative of the eight colonial powers in the United Nations.
a.
Of 10 resolutions before the 1952 General Assembly relating to Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories, on which the United States voted affirmatively, Belgium voted affirmatively on only 4. The only other colonial power with as negative a voting record was France; however, its position was in some cases more flexible. The United Kingdom voted affirmatively on 8 of these 10 resolutions.
b.
For example, re higher education, while hundreds of inhabitants of British colonies in Africa attend foreign universities (outside of the [Page 1303] metropolitan country), none of the inhabitants of the Belgian territories do so and only a handful study in Belgium, and this is a part of a deliberate policy. Following the recent announcement of a U.S. offer of fellowships and scholarships for inhabitants of trust territories, made pursuant to a General Assembly resolution, officials of the colonial administration in the Belgian Congo have indicated to United States officers that they do not wish the offer to be publicized in the Belgian trust territory.
2.
The Belgian Government is particularly sensitive to anything that appears like United Nations interference or criticism of their administration of the Congo and of the Trust Territory of Ruanda–Urundi, and interpret their obligations under the Charter in a very restricted manner.
a.
A two-day talk on colonial policy was held with the Belgians in 1950 in which an attempt was made to persuade them to follow a more positive and cooperative line in United Nations Committees. These talks were not as productive as similar talks with the French and British. Subsequent talks have been held with the British and French but not with the Belgians.
b.
The Belgian Government tends to give only the minimum of information in their reports to the United Nations required under Chapter XI of the Charter. In particular, the Belgian view of the requirements of Article 73(e) of the Charter is very narrow. They maintain that technical information is all that is required to be submitted to the U.N. and that for information purposes only. They have consistently opposed the Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories established by the General Assembly to discuss the information transmitted. At a dinner conversation with Ambassador Jessup during the Seventh General Assembly the Belgian Representative stated that his Government now considered it a mistake to ever have participated in the Committee. On the specific issue of renewing the Committee he hoped that the Assembly would adopt an unacceptable resolution so that Belgium could more easily take the decision not to continue their participation. This attitude was characteristic of the Belgian Delegation in regard to other proposals before Committee Four.
c.
The Belgian Government is particularly sensitive regarding any resolution which would give the indigenous inhabitants of the territories greater participation in the work of the United Nations Committees. The Belgian Representative in Committee Four took a serious view of the granting of oral hearings by the Fourth Committee, maintaining that it constitutes participation of indigenous inhabitants in the work of the General Assembly.
d.
The Belgian Government also fears any move in the United Nations which would stress a time period within which independence might be achieved.
3.
The attitude of the Belgian authorities is well exemplified in a speech given on February 12, 1952 by Mr. Fernand Van Langenhove [Page 1304] at the Belgian-American Association in Brussels. In this speech the following points inter alia were made:
a.
The importance to the Belgian economy of the Belgian colonies.
b.
That many anti-colonial countries with large unassimilated indigenous peoples continue to criticize Belgium and other colonial powers while their own native populations are less well treated.
c.
That there is a tendency for liberal United Nations Members to fall unwittingly into allies of Soviet imperialism, which is paradoxical.
4.
The Belgian Representative in Committee Four has recently been employing a tactic of counterattack. He maintains that the scope of Article 73 of the Charter should be widened to include the aboriginal populations in many countries who have not achieved the same degree of civilization as the rest of the population. This has proved to be an unpopular thesis among those Members of the United Nations, chiefly Latin Americans, which include such populations within their territory. It is difficult to determine to what extent, if any, Mr. Ryckmans’ efforts to have this thesis accepted has led to the abatement of anti-colonial criticism, which is its obvious purpose.
5.
The importance which Belgium attaches to colonial problems in the U.N. is testified to by the assignment of such an important figure as Mr. Pierre Ryckmans, formerly Governor-General of the Belgium Congo and presently Director of Belgium’s Atomic Energy Commission, to be its representative on the Trusteeship Council and in the Fourth Committee. Although Mr. Ryckmans’ position with respect to colonial issues is very unpopular among the non-administering Members of the United Nations, he is held in high respect. His working relations with United States Delegations have always been most cordial and friendly.
6.
Although the Belgian Ambassador took an occasion to approach the Department to note “with surprise the attitude adopted by the United States Delegation at the Sixth Assembly of the United Nations on the adoption of various resolutions …”, it is not expected that a similar démarche will be forthcoming as a result of the Seventh General Assembly. Close working relations with the Belgian Delegation at the Seventh General Assembly indicate that they appreciate the reasons for the position on colonial problems which the United States has pursued.