893.00/11–447
Mr. Carsun Chang, Chairman of the Chinese Democratic Socialist Party, to the Secretary of State 88
Dear Mr. Marshall: I remember so very well our close association during peace negotiations last year. Mr. Wang Shih-chieh has just returned from his trip to the United States and has assured us that you are as good a friend of China today as you were during your stay in China.
You are now confronted with the most grave problem of deciding American policy towards China. It is because of this, and also because of General Wedemeyer’s urging me to join the government that I would like to write to you.
The first thing that I would like to impress upon you is the fact that it is not sufficient to have a coalition government as long as the Kuomintang is not willing to give such a coalition government realistic recognition. The Democratic Socialist Party during the last six months has had the experience of participating in such a coalition government, and I am forced to admit that our record of liberalizing or democratizing the government or the country has not been one of success. While our party is represented in the State Council we found that all major decisions and policies were being made outside of that policy making body. While the government agreed to “provincial, municipal or district councils must be open to the participation of all parties” in March of this year, it certainly has not lived up to this principle. In fact there are many instances where members of the Democratic Socialist Party were dismissed from various government jobs when their party affiliation became known. While the government at various times has promised strict protection of personal freedom, freedom of the press and information, of association and assembly, civil rights today find no protection of any kind.
The recent outlawing of the Democratic League is only one example of this. In other words, it is obvious today that a coalition government [Page 907] in which only the Young China Party and the Democratic Socialist Party constitute a weak minority, cannot bring about a democratic government. The solution today only lies either in the willingness of the Kuomintang Party to democratize itself, or in outside pressure coming from America that makes a thorough reform in the field of government and economics essential before any aid can be given. I am confident that my joining the government today will be as fruitless as my party’s participation in the government during the last six months has proven to be.
It is indeed unnecessary to say that aid on a large scale without supervision given to the present government with its corrupt and dictatorial framework would prove to be a complete waste of money, material and guidance. There is no doubt that China is in dire need of aid of any kind at present, and if such aid could be given under strict supervision, and at the same time the government could be forced to liberalize itself,—under such circumstances I would welcome American aid. Money is of extreme importance to us right now, however a loan from America should be made under two conditions. First of all a financial budget must be established that can function independently from the issuing of bank notes. And secondly a currency reform must be introduced that results in giving to the people a stable medium of exchange. China today needs machinery, material, as well as money for her economic reconstruction; however if such things were granted to her from the United States without the strictest supervision we could never be sure that such loans are used for the right purposes.
But the liberalization of the government cannot only limit itself to the granting of economic aid on the part of America, and the inclusion of minority parties in the national government, but the word “liberalization” must be realized in its larger aspects, meaning a raising of the standard of living and standard of education. If for example American private contributions could assist Chinese liberal scholars in the opening of, for example, ten institutions of higher learning that could be run outside the control and power of the national government, much could be clone in raising the standard of liberal education in the country that in turn would insure the effective control of a democratic government.
I mentioned before two possibilities for governmental reform. It is most unlikely today that the Kuomintang within the realm of its own free will would be willing to liberalize itself. In other words, I am afraid that democracy on a governmental level will not come from within, but will have to be superimposed from without. America today has an effective tool in her hands, in the form of possible loans, to persuade the national government to open its doors for a [Page 908] constitutional, democratic government to enter. America must be conscious of this tool, and must be willing to use it. You know well that the Chinese liberal today is looking towards America for guidance and for support; we believe that America’s support of the Chinese liberal is the only way in which American aid can be used effectively; and is the only way in which China would be willing to adopt a democratic way of life.
I am personally planning to come to America at the beginning of next year, and hope very much that I might have a chance to discuss some of these ideas a little further with you.
Sincerely yours,
- This letter was acknowledged by the Secretary of State on November 17.↩