Foreign Relations of the United States Diplomatic Papers, 1932, The Far East, Volume III

893.01 Manchuria/235

The Chairman of the Provincial Government of Heilungkimg (Ma Chan-shan) to the Chinese Delegation at Geneva¹⁰

[Heiho,] April 14, 1932.

History records that the Manchus and the Chinese have been assimilated for the last five hundred years. During this period the Manchus and the Chinese have lived together in peace, their civilization, politics, customs, language and religion becoming identical. Therefore, although in 1911 the Chinese overthrew the Manchu Dynasty and instituted a republican regime in its stead, there has not been the slightest enmity between the Chinese and the Manchus; besides, the terminology used in designating the difference of the two peoples has disappeared even from the language. These facts are known commonly to all people who know anything about Chinese affairs and are not the opinion of an individual. It is clear, therefore, the expressions “Chinese” and “Manchu” are merely of historical significance and have no value per se in the relationships of the two peoples today in the sense that the Manchu is not a part of the Chinese people and Manchuria not a part of China. Yet the Japanese insist on capitalizing this historical difference in nomenclature and exploiting the same in order to alienate the different groups of the Chinese people and occupy our territory. It is astonishing to see in this 20th century that there are still such a disregard for international right and justice and such inhuman actions which cannot but disturb the peace of the Far East.

According to Article X of the Covenant of the League of Nations, the Members of the League undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity of all Members of the League. The provisions of the Nine Power Treaty signed in Washington guarantee to China her territorial and administrative integrity as well as the international policy known as the open door and equal opportunity relative to the Three Eastern Provinces. These are stumbling blocks to the Japanese in the way of their scheme to incorporate Manchuria as part of the Japanese Empire. To get around them the Japanese make use of the pretext of “self-determination” and the method of putting up a puppet government, at the head of which they placed Pu-yi, the deposed Manchu emperor, whom they kidnapped and smuggled into Manchuria from Tientsin, and partly by compulsion and partly by inducements they got hold of some of original officials of Manchuria to compose the personnel of the puppet government. It was reliably reported that Pu-yi, unwilling to be a traitor to his country, attempted many a time to end his life by taking poison during the journey to the scene where he was to be made head of the new government, but that his efforts were frustrated by his Japanese guards. The position in which he was must have been extremely difficult in that he sought consolation in death even in vain.

I, Ma Chan-san, was appointed by mandate of the National Government as Governor of the Provincial Government of Heilungkiang and concurrently Vice-commander-in-chief of the North-Eastern Defence Forces. In these capacities I was responsible for the defence of the border of the province of Heilungkiang. In the fulfilment of this duty I did not deviate the slightest from my responsibilities. But since September 18th last, after their military occupation of the provinces of Liaoning (Mukden) and Kirin, the Japanese endeavored to realize the malicious intention which they harboured to occupy the Heilungkiang Province as well. For this purpose they used the pretext of repairing the Nonni River Bridge to attack our army. To defend ourselves I personally directed our forces at the front and for two weeks returned fire for fire with the Japanese. Finally our ammunition having been exhausted, we had to withdraw to Hailun. The emissaries from the Japanese headquarters came many times to me, stating that the military and civilian authorities of the Liaoning (Mukden) and Kirin Provinces had already decided on organizing a new government for the three provinces, that as soon as this new administration was set up, the Japanese forces would withdraw and that they had absolutely no intention to interfere in the internal politics of Manchuria. They also said that now only the province of Heilungkiang had not come into line. This might throw the whole territory into a state of uncertainty and danger. I was, therefore, requested that for the sake of peace and tranquility of the three Provinces I should return to the capital of Heilungkiang, whereby the administration of the province would be restored to me without conditions and that the Japanese forces would be withdrawn on my return.

At the same time, the Japanese also instigated some of their hirelings in Liaoning (Mukden) and Kirin to come to me to say that the new government was truly independent in character; I was, therefore, permitted to return to my capital to investigate for myself the new conditions that had developed by which I was to make my own decision.

After my return to the capital I found the Japanese had utterly broken faith with me and disregarded all codes of honor. Not only did not one Japanese soldier withdraw,—on the contrary, by using the pretext of a “United Three Provinces”, they had set up a puppet government as a step forward to the realization of establishing a Japanese domination over Manchuria. Thus, my appointment as a “member of the political council”, “the governor of Heilungkiang”, the “minister of war”, and what not followed one after the other in an illegal manner. I, Ma Chan-san, was able by the opportunity thus afforded me to detect the true character of the Japanese intrigues and to transmit to the information of the League, the symbol of world peace and international justice,—in truth, a fortunate circumstance in the midst of a series of unfortunate events.

I propose, therefore, to divulge for the information of the League and the world the important jottings in my diary during the last month for which I pray the indulgence of all who are interested.

February 16th. I reluctantly complied with the demand of the Japanese and went by aeroplane to Mukden to attend the conference there.

February 17th. I interviewed General Honjo and was told that the Japanese forces had completed the military occupation of the greater portions of Manchuria with the exception of only a small part, which was absolutely unable to stand out. I was, therefore, requested to cooperate with the Japanese. A conference was held in the residence of Mr. Tsao Hsin-peh in the evening. On this occasion I proposed that the illegal government which was given birth to by illegal means should be cancelled. This proposal was strongly opposed by the Japanese representative Sakakagi and the conference dispersed without having any concrete results.

February 18th. On the excuse of ill-health, I returned to Hailun by train. Later, according to the report of Mr. Tsao Tsung-jen, Chang Ching-hui was ordered by the Japanese military headquarters to organize a committee to prepare for the institution of the new government. Chang Ching-hui and Tsao Tsung-jen were instructed by the same authority to accompany twelve other illegal representatives from the three Provinces of Liaoning (Mukden), Kirin and Heilungkiang, whom the Japanese bought over, to go to Dairen to request Pu-yi to be the head of the illegal government. Pu-yi thrice refused to accept; but was finally prevailed [upon] on the insistence of the representatives.

March 8th. The Japanese insisted that I should go to Changchun. I had originally intended not to go on the excuse of ill-health, but for fear of being suspected I was obliged to make the trip to Changchun to welcome Pu-yi.

March 9th. Pu-yi was inaugurated head of the illegal government. All the ceremonies were conducted by and under the direction of the Japanese. The pnppet was thus set up.

The most deplorable thing of all is that when General Honjo came to Changchun to supervise the inauguration of Pu-yi, he had previously given instructions that Pu-yi should go to the station to welcome him. It was only after repeated entreaty that some semblance of dignity might be maintained for Pu-yi, that Honjo eventually agreed that Cheng Hsiao-hsu, the “prime minister” of the puppet government, would meet the train to represent the whole government.

March 10th. The Japanese representatives Kikoyi and Sakakagi brought an order from the Japanese War Office instructing the convening of a “cabinet meeting”, and at the same time announced the establishment of the “general affairs department” of the so-called Manchukuo government, which would be headed by a Japanese to take control of the actual power of the various ministries; for without the signature and seal of the chief of this department, no order could be executed.

March 11th. Colonel Sakakagi and Kikoyi, the Japanese chief of the “general affairs department”, declared at the “cabinet meeting” of the puppet government that it was the intention of the Japanese Government to appoint a number of Japanese assistants to the various departments of the Manchukuo and in the provincial governments. The number had been reduced to the minimum and they decided to appoint to the new government at Changchun between one and two hundred Japanese. At the same meeting, they also declared that all Japanese residents in Manchuria would ipso facto become citizens of the new state enjoying all public rights as the Manchus. As to whether these Japanese should renounce their Japanese nationality, they would have perfect discretion in the matter and nobody could interfere. It was then decided to appoint a number of Japanese to the positions of the “general affairs departmental heads” and police chiefs in the provincial governments to take control of the actual executive power of these provincial governments. Without their signatures and seals, no order could become effective. It was also decided that the appointment of such officials in the Heilungkiang Province should be delayed for three months.

March 16th. General Honjo arrived at Tsitsihar and inspected Tashin and other places. During the tour he declared: (1) The whole Japanese nation was determined to retain Manchuria at any cost; (2) The Japanese troops would be responsible for the putting down of every opposition against the new government; (3) Japan would not hesitate to declare war upon any third state that tried to interfere; and (4) The new government might progressively carry out its policies, provided such policies had been previously approved by the Japanese military authorities and the “special organs” on the spot.

Again, the so-called “Cabinet” decided the following: (1) All government land that had been released and owned by officials and militarists should be confiscated. Should any private individual own too much land, the government would repurchase half of such land at a fixed price. The land that had not been released should be owned by the state and be given to the Japanese immigrants. (2) The Hulan-Hailuen Railway is the most important line for transporting food-stuffs in the Province of Heilungkiang, but the Japanese had compelled Chang Ching-hui to sign an agreement, whereby the line would be mortgaged to the Japanese for a period of fifty years at 3,000,000 dollars—one-tenth of its actual value. This arrangement amounts to perpetual occupation of the railway. Fearing that I would not recognize this agreement, the Japanese persuaded me to add my signature. This I emphatically refused. Recently, the Japanese have been approaching the “ministry of communications” of the puppet government with a view to arriving at some satisfactory result. (3) The Japanese are making plans for the establishment of a Manchukuo State Bank after the model of the Bank of Chosen, having as their object the financial control of Manchuria and the destruction of the economic power of the Chinese people. (4) We witness today in Manchuria the breaking up of our educational institutions and the invasion of Japanese culture. They have turned all our educational buildings into military barracks; they are deleting from the Chinese textbooks every national sentiment and replacing them with pro-Japanese sentiments. In short, they are making every attempt to destroy all our racial and national feelings.

Again, Toshihara [Dohihara], the Japanese head of the “special organ” at Harbin, and Brigade-General Suzuki once declared that since Japan had taken Manchuria, and as soon as she had sufficient funds, she would proceed to make military preparations against Soviet Russia in the north, the United States of America in the east, and then against the others. The above is an account of the actual experiences which I have personally gone through and of the things which I have witnessed.

In the Provinces of Liaoning (Mukden) and Kirin, there are two Japanese in each district which are in charge of the “general affairs” of that district. No measure can be carried out without their approval. Throughout Manchuria, every newspaper organ, every telegraph or telephone office is controlled by some Japanese at the back of it. Therefore, there is no public opinion apart from carrying out the biddings of the Japanese.

In view of the approaching visit of the League Commission of Enquiry, the Japanese authorities have warned the intellectual elements of the community that should anybody express views contrary to the interest of Japan, he will be promptly dealt with without leniency. The Japanese raided during the night the homes of a number of people who were known to be unfavourable to the Japanese. These people were arrested and murdered, and their families were warned to keep strict secrecy with the penalty that they would otherwise be visited by similar fate. Yen Ting-juan, Chang Kwai-en and others were among those who have been done away in this way.

With reference to the reported celebration on the inauguration of the new “State” by the people, it was all false and engineered by the Japanese. Recently, the Japanese have bought up a number of loafers, whose job is to praise the good government of the new regime. All these facts have been carefully gathered by me. Knowing that the League Commission will soon arrive at Manchuria, I, out of an earnest desire to save my country, decided to run the supreme risk by coming to Heiho, despite the strict Japanese military watch at Tsitsihar to assume charge of the Heilungkiang Provincial Administration. Here I am carrying on the administration in accordance with the wishes of the Central Government (at Loyang). I hereby give the most complete and recent account of the organization of the pseudo-Manchukuo, so that the League of Nations and the world may know the real conditions here, and I will most emphatically swear to this statement that there is not a single Chinese here in Manchuria, who is willing to be separated from his own country and to live under foreign rule. Even those who are now occupying positions under the pseudo-government are under the strict watch of the Japanese military authorities and have lost their personal freedom. I would request the League Commission to pay special attention to this point, and make detailed inquiry, with a view to making a truthful report, so that there may be a real guarantee to the future peace of the world, which will be a great service to mankind.

In addition, it must be pointed out that last summer when the terrible massacre of Chinese occurred in Korea, some hundreds of Chinese were done to death and millions of dollars worth of their property were destroyed by Japanese subjects. Even under such serious provocation the Chinese Government did not send a single soldier to Korea. During recent years Japanese nationals residing in China have not experienced any danger, and yet the Japanese Government used the pretext of protecting the life and property of its nationals definitely invaded and occupied the Three Eastern Provinces and attacked the port and neighbouring districts of Shanghai. When these two cases are brought up for comparison, thinking and impartial peoples of the world will have no difficulty in judging their merits.

Moreover, Japanese nationals are scattered all over the world; if the Japanese Government is also allowed to use such pretexts by sending troops to invade the countries where their nationals happen to be residing, then I tremble for the prospects of the peace of the world.

I beg, therefore, to invite the kind and careful attention of the friendly nations to the facts I have stated in this message.

Ma Chan-san

10. Copy of telegram transmitted to the Department by the Chinese Chargé on May 2, 1932.