793.94Commission/338

The Minister in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State

No. 1656

Sir: With reference to my telegram No. 883 of August 1, 9 [8] p.m.,14 I have the honor to enclose herewith in confidence a copy of a letter addressed to the Chairman of the Commission of Study of the League of Nations now investigating the causes of trouble between Japan and China by the Japanese Assessor,15 which encloses an epitomized record of the statements which Count Uchida made at the interviews with that Commission in Dairen and Tokyo. I was permitted to make copies of this document for my confidential information, and I have the honor to request that the Department treat the document as confidential.

As stated in my telegram, my information is that while this document does not accurately set forth all that Count Uchida said [Page 96] to the Commission while it was in Tokyo, it is nevertheless believed to be a clear and accurate statement of the policy which Count Uchida as Minister of Foreign Affairs will follow in dealing with the Manchurian situation.

Respectfully yours,

Nelson Trusler Johnson
[Enclosure]

Epitomized Record of Statements Made by Count Uchida at Interviews With the League of Nations Commission in Dairen and Tokyo

1. Some time ago at Dairen I had occasion to state frankly to Your Excellencies my personal views based upon my experience in connection with Manchuria, acquired in varied capacities during the past quarter of a century. To-day as Minister for Foreign Affairs I can discover no ground whatsoever for modifying those views on any essential point.

2. All the international disputes which have occurred in recent years in the Far East may be chiefly attributed in the first place to the fact that China disunited and destitute of control does not, taken as a whole, constitute a duly organized state, and in the second place to the revolutionary foreign policy of the Nationalist Government, strongly influenced as it is by communist doctrine imported from abroad. And it is not Japan alone, but all the Powers which possess important interests in China, that must suffer from such state of affairs now existing in China.

3. Unfortunately extreme difficulties are encountered in any attempt to repair the injuries thus sustained by the various Powers, through any appeal to the Covenant of the League of Nations, the Nine Power Treaty, the Anti-War Pact, or any other existing treaty intended for the maintenance of international peace. In fact, it has been the practice among the principal Powers to rely upon their own resources whenever their rights and interests in China were actually, or were in danger of being, seriously impaired. The recent history of China is full of examples of such cases, in which reparation for, or the prevention of, damage to their interests was effectuated by foreign Powers upon their own account.

4. Japan, as a country more intimately connected with China both historically and geographically, than any other, and possessing by far the greatest interests in China, has had to suffer more than other countries from the anomalous situation in China as I described above. As far as Japan was concerned, she naturally hoped to see China experience a re-birth and come to realize her true role in maintaining the peace of the Far East. For more than twenty years, especially as a sequel to the Conference of Washington, we have exercised the [Page 97] greatest patience and self-control, but conditions in China have failed to show any trace of improvement; on the contrary, they grew notably worse. It was at a moment when the feeling of our people was running high in face of the ever increasing Chinese provocations, that in Manchuria, Japan’s first bulwark, where, staking the fortunes of our country, we fought two great wars with China and with Russia in order to repel their aggressions and, where our country’s vital interests on the Continent of Asia are centered, the sudden incident of September 18th occurred. We had no other course than to take decisive measures of self-defence.

5. As a consequence of Japan’s action, the power of General Chang Hsueh-liang in Manchuria was extinguished. Influential people of Manchuria, who had long chafed under the misrule of the Changs and were opposed to their policy of dragging Manchuria into the turmoil of Chinese civil war south of the Great Wall, seized the opportunity to set up an independent state.

Manchuria is a country quite apart from China Proper, geographically and in psychological characteristics. The population, though mostly of Chinese origin is composed largely of these Chinese who, driven out of their homes in China Proper by famine and flood, by tyranny and oppression, fled to Manchuria seeking to start a new life in that land where they could enjoy comparative security and abundance owing to Japan’s vigilance and enterprise. Moreover, historically viewed, Manchuria has never constituted a purely integral part of China. Especially during recent decades has it been demonstrated on’ innumerable occasions that the authority of no government in China Proper extended to Manchuria.

The founding of Manchukuo was only an outcome of the subterranean revolutionary movement of many years’ standing, which has opened to come to the surface as a sequel to Japan’s actions of selfdefence, and which proved successful owing to the peculiar characteristics which separate Manchuria from China Proper. The independence of Manchuria should, therefore, be regarded as essentially a phenomenon of the political disintegration in China.

6. There may be more than one plan for the solution of the Manchurian problem. The Japanese Government believe that the problem should be solved with the aim in view of ensuring the security and stability of Manchuria as well as the permanent peace of the Far East, and that at all events the mistake should not be made of rendering the situation uncertain and so perpetuating occasions for future disputes. It would be intolerable if, as the result of any temporizing measure of expediency or compromise, there should be resuscitated in Manchuria conditions analogous to those that prevailed there prior to the incident of 18th September last. In that sense I cannot agree to any plan which would contemplate the inauguration of the rule [Page 98] of an anti-Japanese and disorganized China over Manchuria. Moreover, the authorities of Manchukuo, who have repeatedly declared their intention completely to separate themselves from the corrupt and foul politics of China Proper and to set up an honest and able government, would not consent to a plan which would utterly defeat their ideal and aspirations.

I believe that any plan which might be formulated, in which no account is taken of the existence of Manchukuo as an international state, will fail to bring order and stability to Manchuria and tranquility to the Far East.

7. The recognition of a new state or government is not a matter for the exercise of the choice or fancy of other states. It is a step imposed upon them by the necessities of international intercourse. It is rightly felt intolerable that a country should be compelled for any length of time to regard the government which actually controls its nearest neighbor as devoid of all substantial authority and title, and as incompetent to represent it abroad. As Manchukuo is the outcome of a local movement of self-determination on the part of the inhabitants, who have undoubtedly been much oppressed in the past, as above observed, there can be no question, in recognizing its existence, of any inconsistency with the Nine Power Treaty of Washington whose provisions Japan is most anxious to observe. The object of the Treaty was not to exempt that region from the usual and normal operation of the law of nations which legitimizes de facto governments, nor to perpetuate an integrity of discord. It would be directly contrary to its terms to hold that China must forever seethe in anarchy and that no part of the ancient Chinese territory can ever be allowed to erect itself as an island of peace and security, but must be forced down into the morass of discord and disorganization by eight civilized Powers. In short, the Nine Power Treaty does not forbid Chinese in any part of China to establish of their own free will an independent state, and it does not, therefore, constitute a violation of the Treaty to accord recognition to a new state so founded. There is no doubt that Manchukuo, if given fair and untrammelled opportunity by Japan and other Powers, will quickly develop into a strong and stable nation, and so given a much needed lead to the establishment of a strong and stable government in China.

  1. Not printed; it summarized the enclosure transmitted in this despatch.
  2. Letter dated July 27, 1932, not printed.