711.945/1189

The Chargé in Japan (Caffery) to the Secretary of State

No. 571–E

Sir: Referring to the Embassy’s telegram No. 174, of July 2, 1924,68 I have the honor to transmit herewith the full text of the speech delivered by Baron Shidehara at the opening of the Diet on July 1, 1924.

I have [etc.]

Jefferson Caffery
[Enclosure—Extract]

Speech by the Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs (Shidehara) at the Opening of the Japanese Diet, July 1, 192469

As you are aware, a new Immigration Act recently passed the United States Congress, and having been approved by the President, it has been finally written into the statute-books of the country. As to the genesis of this Act, you will recall that of late years in the United States, immigration from foreign countries, especially from Southern and Eastern Europe, has been showing a marked increase. It has come to be generally believed that it will [Page 409] be a matter of practical difficulty to merge these foreign elements in the homogeneous community of original Americans. It has accordingly been felt necessary to impose a more rigorous restriction upon foreign immigration. As for the emigration of Japanese laborers to the United States, an arrangement popularly called the Gentlemen’s Agreement has long been in force. Under that arrangement the Japanese Government has been exercising a prohibitory control over the departure to the United States of all classes of laborers except certain relatives of those living in the United States and persons who are returning to that country after a temporary visit to Japan. Consequently, the increase of new Japanese immigrants in the United States has not been, in fact, of any appreciable number. It is believed that the new Immigration Act was originally intended to institute a rigorous restriction of immigration in general, and that there was no reason for embodying in the Act a provision designed specifically to exclude Japanese immigrants. It is sincerely to be regretted that while the Bill was under discussion in Congress, certain leaders of anti-Japanese persuasions should have succeeded in putting through a clause to the effect that aliens ineligible to citizenship should, as a rule, be denied admission into the United States.

In reviewing the development of this question, there are three points which engage our attention.

  • First, no intimation has lately been made, even by the exclusionists, of any inferiority of the Japanese race. Their contention is in effect that the Japanese are to the Americans what oil is to water. Neither oil nor water can be said to be superior or inferior to the other, but the fact is that in no case can oil dissolve and merge in water. In other words, they say, Japanese are unassimilable to American life, and the introduction of such alien elements will prove a source of danger to the United States. Such an argument formed one of the essential phases for the exclusion of Japanese; it was not on the ground of the inferiority of the Japanese race that the exclusion clause was adopted. It should, however, be pointed out that the plea of Japanese unassimilability is no more than an arbitrary presumption unsupported by any evidence of facts. Our views on this point have been already roughly set forth in the Note of May 31 last addressed by the Japanese Government to the Government of the United States.
  • Secondly, it has always been consistently maintained by the United States, that the liberty to limit and control immigration is one of the essential attributes of the inherent sovereign rights of each nation. The same argument was repeatedly invoked with special emphasis in the discussion of the exclusion clause. “We understand that the importance placed on this point by the United States is due to the [Page 410] special conditions of that country. But we have no intention of calling this doctrine in question. The recognition, however, of such principle does not lead to any conclusion that the exclusion clause is in no respect repugnant to the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation between Japan and the United States.
  • Thirdly, it should be appreciated that the President and the Secretary of State of the United States have from the outset shown their opposition to the exclusion clause, and have made all possible efforts to have it eliminated from the Act. Public opinion in the United States, as reflected by a great section of the American press, also appears to be sympathetically disposed to Japan’s position in the matter. It is a significant fact that the legislation in question has met with uniform disapproval by many influential newspapers of the United States.

Our protest against the exclusion clause is based upon the conviction that a discriminatory treatment, as laid down in that clause, is contrary to the dictates of justice and fairness, and is imposed upon us in disregard of the ordinary rules of international comity. The legislation is now an accomplished fact in the United States, but we can by no means concede that the question is closed. Until our just contentions shall have been given satisfaction, we shall maintain our protest, and shall use our best possible endeavors to seek an amicable adjustment of the question and to ensure forever the traditional friendship between the two nations.

  1. Not printed.
  2. Translation as printed in The Japan Advertiser, Tokyo, July 2, 1924.