Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1919, Russia

Paris Peace Conference 180.03401/28

Notes of a Meeting held at President Wilson’s House, Place des-Etats-Unis, Paris, on Friday, May 23rd, [1919,] at 4 p.m.

Paris, May 23, 1919, 4 p.m.

[Extracts]

C. F. 28

• Present:—United States of America. President Wilson.—British Empire. Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd George M.P.—France. M. Clemenceau.—Italy. M. Orlando.

Sir Maurice Hankey, K.C.B.	Secretary
Count Aldrovandi	Secretary
Professor P. J. Mantoux	Interpreter

. . . . . . .

Russia

5. (Mr. Phillip Kerr entered).

President Wilson, at the request of his colleagues, read the attached draft despatch to Admiral Koltchak, prepared by Mr. Kerr, at the request of the Council. (Appendix II). President Wilson expressed doubts as to whether the memorandum would be acceptable to General Denekin and M. Tchaikowsky.

Mr. Kerr said that both these de facto Governments had recognised Admiral Koltchak as the central Government of Russia.

Mr. Lloyd George suggested that a copy of the despatch might be sent to General Deniken and to the Archangel Government.

M. Clemenceau objected to the proposed abolition of conscription as one of the conditions.

M. Orlando agreed.

President Wilson said that although he had been in favour of it, he regretted that the Covenant of the League of Nations had not abolished conscription.

Mr. Lloyd George said that he did not wish to press the use of these particular words in this document, but he was convinced that somehow or other, conscription must be got rid of in Russia. Otherwise, he was apprehensive lest Russia might raise six millions of soldiers and, sooner or later, Russia might come into the German orbit.

President Wilson asked if Mr. Kerr was sure about the alleged declaration by Admiral Koltchak, recognising Russia’s debt as an obligation.

Mr. Kerr then read the following telegram from Mr. Klioutchnikoff⁸⁴ to the Ambassador in Paris:

November 27th, 1918. Please communicate the following to the Government to which you are accredited.

“The Russian Government at the head of which stands Admiral Koltchak remembering that Russia always kept all her obligations towards her own people as well as other nations to which it was bound by conventions, presumes it necessary to announce in a special declaration that it accepts all obligations incumbing to the Treasury and will fulfill them in due time when Russia’s unity will be again achieved. These obligations are the following: Payments of interests, redemption of inner [and foreign⁸⁵] State debts, payments for contracts, wages, pensions and other payments due by law, and other conventions. The Government declares at the same time all financial acts promoted by the Soviet Powers as mil and void, being acts edicted by mutineers.”

President Wilson observed that Lenin’s suggestion, that the Russian debt was our principal pre-occupation, had been resented.

Mr. Lloyd George pointed out that in this draft, it was only mentioned that Koltchak had made this statement, but it was not made a condition.

M. Clemenceau again earnestly asked that the reference to the abolition of conscription might be removed.

President Wilson asked if recognition of Admiral Koltchak depended on the conditions laid down in the despatch.

Mr. Kerr replied that it did not. Acceptance of these proposals was a condition of the continuation of assistance and no mention was made of recognition.

President Wilson pointed out that the versions which had previously been suggested, insisted not only on the free election of the Central Legislature, but also of regional bodies, for example, in the territory administered by Koltchak, Denekin and the Archangel Government.

Mr. Lloyd George said that para. 2 went as far in this direction as was now possible. To ask the Russian groups to hold elections in the middle of a war, when great confusion must prevail, would be to ask too much.

President Wilson suggested the substitution of the words “to promote elections” instead of “to permit elections.”

Mr. Lloyd George asked whether this was fair. Koltchak had latterly made a very big advance and there must be considerable confusion in his rear. In these circumstances, he could not fairly be asked to promote an election. It had not been found possible to hold an election even in the United Kingdom during the war. Much less was it possible in France or in Italy. In Russia a Constituent Assembly had been elected within the last two years or so by universal suffrage, and had only been got rid of by the Bolshevists, because it was not sufficiently extreme. Nevertheless, it had been a thoroughly democratic body.

M. Clemenceau said Russia should be allowed to choose.

Mr. Lloyd George pointed out that the memorandum permitted this. It provided that if an election could not be held, the Constituent Assembly, should be summoned when Koltchak reached Moscow.

President Wilson pointed out that the memorandum could only with complete truth be applied to the British Government, which, he believed, alone had supplied Russia with munitions etc. The United States had only supplied the Czechs, but this supply had stopped. They had not furnished supplies to Koltchak.

M. Clemenceau thought that France had sent very little, mainly because Great Britain had to supply the shipping. He would like to make enquiries on this.

President Wilson suggested that the declaration might be made by the British Government only, since they alone were literally in a position to make this declaration, but it should be made with the avowed approval of the Associated Powers.

Mr. Lloyd George suggested that the difficulty might be surmounted by stating in the text that it was the British Government that had supplied more than £50,000,000 worth of munitions.

President Wilson explained that he was in an awkward situation. The British and French Governments had both dealt with Koltchak as a de facto, though not as a de jure Government. Meanwhile, the United States had looked on, and had only helped to guard the railway which was under an International Commission, of which an American engineer was President. His position, therefore, was very anomalous. He would like to consult Mr. Lansing on the subject of how the United States could associate themselves in this declaration without getting into a still more anomalous position.

M. Clemenceau said he would like time to consult M. Pichon. He again raised the question of the inclusion of the abolition of conscription among the conditions which he asked should be removed.

President Wilson suggested the phrase “limitation of armaments and of military organization”.

M. Clemenceau said he would accept that.

M. Orlando also accepted.

Mr. Lloyd George agreed to make this alteration in Mr. Kerr’s draft.

(The subject was adjourned for further consideration).

. . . . . . .

[Enclosure]

Draft Despatch to Admiral Koltchak: Prepared by Mr. Philip Kerr for consideration at the request of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers, 23rd May, 1919

Appendix II

The Allied and Associated Powers feel that the time has come when it is necessary for them once more to make clear the policy they propose to pursue in regard to Russian affairs.

It has always been a cardinal axiom of the Allied and Associated Powers to avoid interference in the internal affairs of Russia. Their original intervention was made for the sole purpose of assisting those elements in Russia which wanted to continue the struggle against German autocracy and to free their country from German rule, and in order to rescue the Czecho-Slovaks from the danger of annihilation at the hands of the Bolshevik forces. Since the signature of the armistice on November 11th 1918 they have kept forces in various parts of Russia and the British Government have sent munitions and supplies to assist those associated with them to maintain their position to a total value of more than £50,000,000(?). No sooner, however, did the Peace Conference assemble than they endeavoured to bring peace and order to Russia by inviting representatives of all the warring Governments within Russia to meet them in the hope that they might be able to arrange a permanent settlement of Russian problems. This proposal and a later offer to relieve the distress among the suffering millions of Russia broke down through the refusal of the Soviet Government to accept the fundamental condition of suspending hostilities while negotiations or the work of relief was proceeding. They are now being pressed to withdraw their troops and to incur no further expense in Russia on the ground that continued intervention shows no prospect of producing an early settlement of the Russian problem. They are prepared, however, to continue their assistance on the lines laid down below, provided they are satisfied that it will help the Russian people to recover control of their own affairs and to enter into peaceful relations with the rest of the world.

The Allied and Associated Governments now wish to declare formally that the object of their policy is to restore peace within Russia by enabling the Russian people to resume control of their own affairs through the instrumentality of a freely elected Constituent Assembly and to restore peace along its frontiers by arranging for the settlement of disputes in regard to the boundaries of the Russian state and its relations with its neighbours through the peaceful arbitration of the League of Nations.

They are convinced by their experiences of the last year that it is not possible to secure self-government or peace for Russia by dealings with the Soviet Government of Moscow. They are therefore disposed to assist the Government of Admiral Koltchak and his Associates with munitions, supplies, food and the help of such as may volunteer for their service, to establish themselves as the government of All Russia, provided they receive from them definite guarantees that their policy has the same end in view as that of the Allied and Associated Powers. With this object they would ask Admiral Koltchak and his Associates whether they will agree to the following as the conditions upon which they accept the continued assistance from the Allied and Associated Powers.

In the first place, that, as soon as they reach Moscow they will summon a Constituent Assembly elected by a free, secret and democratic franchise as the Supreme Legislature for Russia to which the Government of Russia must be responsible, or if at that time order is not sufficiently restored they will summon the Constituent Assembly elected in 1917 to sit until such time as new elections are possible.

Secondly, that throughout the areas which they at present control they will permit free elections in the normal course for all local and legally constituted assemblies such as municipalities, Zemtsvos, etc.

Thirdly, they will countenance no attempt to revive the special privileges of any class or order in Russia. The Allied and Associated Powers have noted with satisfaction the solemn declarations made by Admiral Koltchak and his associates that they have no intention of restoring the former land system. They feel that the principles to be followed in the solution of this and other internal questions must be left to the free decision of the Russian Constituent Assembly; but they wish to be assured that those whom they are prepared to assist stand for the civil and religious liberty of all Russian citizens and will make no attempt to reintroduce the regime which the revolution has destroyed.

Fourthly, that the independence of Finland and Poland be recognised, and that in the event of the frontiers and other relations between Russia and these countries not being settled by agreement, they will be referred to the arbitration of the League of Nations.

Fifthly, that if a solution of the relations between Esthonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the Caucasian and Transcaspian territories and Russia is not speedily reached by agreement the settlement will be made in consultation and co-operation with the League of Nations.

Sixthly, that as soon as a government for Russia has been constituted on a democratic basis, Russia should join the League of Nations and co-operate with the other members in the limitation of armaments and of military organisation throughout the world.

Finally, that they abide by the declaration made by Admiral Koltchak on November 27th 1918 in regard to Russia’s national debts.

The Allied and Associated Powers will be glad to learn as soon as possible whether the Government of Admiral Koltchak and his associates are prepared to accept these conditions, and also whether in the event of acceptance they will undertake to form a single government and army command as soon as the military situation makes it possible.

84. Y. V. Klyuchnikov, Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Omsk Government.
85. Cf. Foreign Relations, 1918, Russia, vol. ii, p. 447, in which text the words “and foreign” appear. In the Russian text in Pravitelstvenny Vestnik, no. 6, of Nov. 24, 1918, published by the Omsk Government, the phrase translated reads, “redemption of internal and foreign state debts”.