Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, With the Address of the President to Congress December 8, 1914
File No. 812.00/12241.
Commissioner Lehmann to the Secretary of State.
the United States, near the Mediators,
Niagara Falls, N. Y., June 13, 1914.
Sir: I received yesterday, June 12, 1914, a letter from Senor Licenciado Don Luis Elguero, one of the Huertista Representatives, relative to the interview I had with him on the evening of June 9th. A copy of this letter is sent herewith. He enclosed a memorandum made by him of our conversation, a copy of which is also sent herewith. I replied to him today and enclose herewith a copy of my reply.
I have [etc.]
Señor Elguero to Commissioner Lehmann.
Niagara Falls, Canada, June 12, 1914.
My Dear Mr. Lehmann: I have thought it convenient to draw up a memorandum of the conversation I had the pleasure of holding with you, on the night of the ninth of this month, as I have wished to give a precise form to the ideas which I expressed on that occasion and which my lack of English may not have rendered clear to you. At the same time I have set down the honorable and straightforward declarations which you made to me, just as I understood them. If I have incurred in any error in doing so, I shall be deeply obliged if you will kindly correct it.
I avail myself of the opportunity to entreat you to give thought to the reasons I have advanced, the excellence of which I am convinced of, before coming to a decision which might bring our conferences to a close.
With the assurances [etc.]
Memorandum of the conversation held between the Hon. Frederick W. Lehmann and Licenciado Don Luis Elguero, on the night of the 9th of June, 1914.
The Hon. Frederick W. Lehmann began by setting forth, in the most frank and spontaneous manner, that which follows:
The United States take part in Mexico’s political affairs with absolute disinterestedness; they do not seek any territorial aggrandizement nor other advantage of any kind; they only want peace restored along their southern frontier, in order to avoid the complications which continued disorder might create with the possibility of even leading to a conflict with Mexico. The [Page 531] interests of Americans and other foreigners resident in Mexico, all of whom have suffered enormously through the revolution, oblige the United States to take measures not only to protect them, but also to avoid any other nation interfering in political matters pertaining to America. For these reasons and with the sole purpose that all disorder in Mexico shall cease, that peace shall be restored and that the law shall prevail, the United States wish in some manner to influence Mexico’s internal affairs. For the same reason they accepted the invitation to the Mediation conferences. Mr. Lehmann thought that the best way of restoring peace to Mexico was to put in as Provisional President a man of honor and of high standing who belonged to the Constitutionalist party, since this party, in view of its recent victories and of the vigorous elements which it commands, assuredly represents the opinions of the majority of the Mexican people. The Provisional President, whose term of office is only to last until new elections are held, supervised by a special committee appointed for that purpose, would be unable to stay in power indefinitely, and his authority could not be suspected by anybody.
To the above Don Luis Elguero answered: That precisely because the Mexican Delegation believed that entirely disinterested motives of high policy guided the conduct of the United States, it had consented to discuss the internal affairs of Mexico with the Mediators; and precisely to bring about the fulfillment of the desire which it shares with the United States for the restoration of peace to Mexico, it had accepted the plan for pacification proposed by the Mediators, which consisted, firstly, in the withdrawal from power of General Huerta on the condition that the Government succeeding his shall be capable of maintaining order in and ensuring peace for the whole Republic; and, secondly, the constitution of a neutral government composed of a President whose qualities of honor, morality and patriotism shall be beyond doubt, but who shall not belong to either of the contending parties in Mexico, albeit he shall be persona grata to all; and of four Ministers of whom two shall belong to the Constitutionalist party and two shall be selected by General Huerta. This Government, which would be immediately recognized by the United States and the Mediating Powers, would be able to pacify the country inasmuch as it would have been accepted by the two principal contending factions, and could call the elections for the eventual President and the members of the other governing powers in a short time, and could guarantee free elections which would express the will of the country. If the Constitutionalists are sincere in their professions and really seek the country’s welfare they must approve this plan for a Government which provides for the retirement of General Huerta, whom they consider the principal obstacle to the reestablishment of a constitutional regime. The United States of America, who really do seek peace with Mexico, should also accept it, as it favors no party and ensures a free election for the Executive and other governing powers.
The Mexican Delegation cannot accept the plan proposed by the American Delegation, firstly, because it means the immediate transfer of the Government, without any obstacle, to only one of the contending parties. It is not true that the (Constitutionalist party represents the will of the nation. The principles it proclaims are considered by a large majority to be contrary to the social order established up till now in Mexico, and unfortunately the excesses of all kinds which its partisans have committed hitherto everywhere they have dominated, have alienated the orderly elements of the country, which, horror struck at these disorders, have had to gather around General Huerta. Secondly, if a Constitutionalist President is put in power at present, it is certain that he will hold fraudulent elections, as has always been the case in Mexico after the triumph of a revolution, none of which put into practice the electoral liberty they preach, once they are in power. Thirdly. The electoral committee mentioned in the American plan is not sufficient to ensure a free election, since two of its members must be chosen from the Constitutionalist ranks and only one may be independent. The majority will cause the election to be turned in favor of its party. Moreover, such a committee is hot authorized by the laws of Mexico which entrust the supervision of elections to the Secretary of the Interior (Gobernación) and the declaration of their validity to Congress. Such a committee cannot exercise its functions according to our political system and its acts would have no legal value.
Don Luis Elguero pointed out that the fact cited by Mr. Lehmann as a proof that the Constitutionalist party represents the opinion of the majority of Mexicans has not the value as a proof which is attributed to it. The recent triumphs of the party are due to the aid of all kinds which it has received [Page 532] from the United States, after the embargo on the exportation of arms to Mexico was raised. Before this the revolution in Mexico made no headway. On the contrary, the Federals recovered most of the towns and territory which had fallen into rebel hands. Once the embargo was raised, the rebels found effective aid in American territory and were able to revive the revolution in the northern States of the Republic, which are the least densely populated. The central and western States, more thickly populated, have remained quiet, not even the example of the northern States or the rebel proclamation offering to distribute the land amongst the peasants being sufficient to move them. Many of these States, such as Jalisco, Guanajuato, Hidalgo, Oaxaca and Yucatan, have Governors who find no difficulty in maintaining the peace, and have hitherto remained perfectly quiet.
The Mexican Delegation came to the conferences to enter into an agreement which will protect the real interests of Mexico. The American plan, which only takes care of those of the Constitutionalists, cannot be accepted by those who have come with no personal or party interest to strive to find a means of rescuing our country from its difficult situation. They cannot authorise the surrender of the Government to one party. To do so would mean the continuation of the revolution.
Don Luis Elguero also drew attention to the fact that, according to the Constitutionalist proclamations the chief of their party must occupy the Presidency of the Republic, and that they only intend to hold elections after their triumph is complete and they have annihilated opposing political parties. They therefore desire to bring into being another dictatorship with their chief as dictator, and they give no hope of early elections. Once the Constitutionalists are in power as the result of an agreement arrived at here, it is possible that they may put into practice this part of their revolutionary plan, which is most opposed to electoral liberty.
If the American Delegation insists on upholding the plan it has proposed, it will without doubt incur censure to the effect that its Government seeks only the triumph of one given party in Mexico, and not the restoration of peace. If the conferences come to a sudden end, all Mexican questions will have to be settled by force of arms. It is possible that the Constitutionalists may triumph, and it is also possible that the excesses which have hitherto accompanied their victories may be repeated. Public opinion in America and in Mexico will blame the American Government for the atrocities that could have been avoided by the acceptance of the just and moderate plan put forward by the Mediators.
Commissioner Lehmann to Señor Elguero.
Niagara Falls, June 13, 1914.
My Dear Mr. Elguero: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your valued favor of the 12th instant, including a memorandum of the conversation we had on the evening of the 9th, which reports in a spirit of entire fairness but perhaps not fully enough What was said by me at that time. As outlining the views of the American representatives, I said in substance:
The United States is seeking no advantage at the expense of Mexico. It makes no claim for indemnity, either of land or money. The claims of individuals, whether our own citizens or citizens of other countries, to be settled upon, principles of international law.
The United States has a neighbor upon the north with whom it is and for a hundred years has been on terms of friendship and good will, and it desires to be an like terms with the neighbor on the south. It is essential to this that the people of Mexico be at peace among themselves and that there be an end of the disorders which mean destruction of life and property, not alone of Mexicans but also of Americans and of citizens of other countries, involving possible international complications which it is highly desirable to prevent.
While the ardent desire of the United States in the present emergency is the restoration of peace, it is for permanent peace, and this is not possible unless the settlement is made on a basis of justice to the great body of the Mexican people.
[Page 533]No adjustment is likely to prove a lasting one which does not carry with it substantial assurance of the agrarian and other reforms which have been promised by Diaz, Madero and Huerta, but have not been put into effect by any of them.
A peace which means only repression of the aspirations of the Mexican people would not be a satisfactory one nor would it be enduring. Order could not be maintained forever by the iron hand nor is it desirable that it should be. The result of thirty years of rule by Diaz was that as soon as its rigor was relaxed revolutions broke loose, because, whatever may have been done for the material development of Mexico, the great body of the people had not been benefited in the measure to which they were entitled, if at all, by his regime.
We are of the opinion that in the present division of the Mexican people the great majority are with the Constitutionalists in principle and in purpose, and that this party more than any other gives substantial hope of accomplishing the reforms believed to be necessary to an enduring peace.
Evidence of this is to be found in the rapid expansion of the Constitutionalist movement from small beginnings and its continued success upon the battlefield. This growth and these successes can not be due alone to any facilities for the introduction of arms across our border, existing at any time, since arms alone could do nothing. There must be men willing to use those arms. And meanwhile the Huerta forces were not lacking in the munitions of war.
The Constitutionalist cause is assured of success, and this should be recognized now and so make an end of war with its bloodshed and devastation.
The plan of adjustment proposed by us has been submitted in writing to the Mediators and is before you, and you of course are familiar with its terms.
This plan does indeed provide that the provisional government shall be essentially Constitutionalist, and it is proposed by us in the view that a provisional government of a different character would not be acceptable to nor accepted by the great majority of the Mexican people, who could not fairly be expected to yield everything they had gained by the arduous struggles at a time when complete victory seemed to be within their reach.
The hope has always been indulged by us that, however much we may differ in theory as to the mode in which the provisional government should be constituted, we may find men of honor, character and ability, possessing the confidence of the Mexican people, upon whom all concerned can agree as equal to the duties and responsibilities of this grave emergency; and to this hope we still hold.
The statement of your views made by you is in substantial harmony with my recollection of the conversation. Our meeting was for the purpose of a frank exchange of opinions rather than for a discussion or determination of points of difference, and the interview was limited accordingly.
In earnest desire and ardent hope that this conference may be fruitful of good results to both our countries and to all America, and with renewed assurances of profound esteem,
I am [etc.]