No. 652.
Mr. Thompson to Mr. Bayard.

[Extract.]
No. 201.]

Sir: Various reports having been received from Cape Hayti touching upon revolutionary topics, on Saturday, the 4th instant, General Anselme Prophète, commander of the four corps of the guard stationed at Port au Prince, was sent by the Government on board of the man-of-war Toussaint l’Ouverture direct to Cape Hayti. Two hours after his departure an express brought news to the Government that General Séide Théléaque, commanding the arrondissement of Cape Hayti, and perhaps the most popular general in the Haytian army, was at the head of a movement against the Government. On reception of this news one of Rivière’s fast steamers was sent to overtake General Prophète with Instructions for him to use every caution and reconnoiter well before entering into the harbor of Cape Hayti. General Prophète went to Port de Paix and found that everything was true concerning the insurrectionary movements under General Thélémaque. From there General Prophète went to Gonaïves, gave certain orders, and returned to this city. On the 9th instant I received a dispatch from Consular Agent Dupuy, of Gonaïves, copy of which I inclose herein, marked A.

Rivière’s steamer that left here Wednesday, the 1st instant, for the north, was taken possession of by the rebels, and it is said armed for warfare.

On Wednesday, the 8th of this month, General Tirésias Sam, minister of war and marine, left here for St. Marc and Gonaïves by the war vessel Toussaint l’Ouverture, taking with him one battalion of the St. Marc regiment that arrived here the 16th ultimo. Before his departure Mr. Brutus St. Victor called here and requested me to accompany him to the palace, as the President wished to talk with me. I went there with him, and then his excellency requested me to send for two war vessels, as the revolutionary party appeared to be gaining power.

Finding myself asked by the chief of state of the country to which I am accredited to send for war vessels for his dependence morally, if not physically, and knowing that outside of a tropical climate this country is in a perfectly healthy state, I felt the situation such in our relations with a friendly Government as to justify the following cable dispatch, which was taken to the Mole St. Nicholas by the minister of war and marine, and which read:

State Department,
Washington:

Your 114. Urgent. Two immediately. One pass Cape Hayti. Reply. Details 18 instant.

Thompson.

[Page 906]

On Thursday President Salomon again sent for me and informed me that he had made up his mind to quit the presidency.

Friday morning, the 10th instant, occurred the closing event in the presidential career of General Salomon. At 9.20 a.m. a messenger arrived in all haste at this legation requesting me to go immediately to the palace, as President Salomon desired to see me on a matter of the utmost importance. I commenced to prepare myself to answer the request, when a gentleman, Mr. Charles Heraux, rushed into the front office crying out, “Mr. Thompson, Mr. Thompson, they have taken up arms against the Government; for God’s sake go to the palace and save the old man’s life.” Naturally this hurried me. My horse not being in the city and a carriage unable to be found, I immediately started for the palace on foot. I was ushered into the President’s presence. He informed me that bad news had come in from the north telling of the success of the insurgents in their march toward Port au Prince, and since our war vessels were not here his intention was to ask the British consul-general to allow him to go aboard H. M. S. Canada, in preference to the French vessel, there await an American war vessel or the Dutch steamer for New York on the 18th instant. He then asked me if I would accompany him aboard that night. I put myself at his disposition, and the plan was that Vice-Consul-General Terres and myself were to go to him with two half-closed carriages at the back of the palace grounds, and thus quietly we would be conveyed to the wharf, and he would embark on board the steamer that he would take for the United States, where he intended stopping for a month or so.

During the time that I was there the generals of the arrondissement and Place both arrived before him, explaining that there was a panic in the city.

In returning to this legation I noticed a great amount of commotion, which continued to augment, from the irregular firing of guns at all points of the city; armed companies of men took stations along this street, half hiding themselves behind any available pillars or posts. The arsenal was attacked and resistance made. A little later Mr. Huttinot, employé at the French legation, coming here, informed me that General Herard Laforest, commanding the arrondissement, had joined the revolutionary party. I waited awhile, then descended to the arrondissement, carrying a small flag in my hand, anxious to see if such was a fact; after awhile General Laforest passing, I heard the soldiers crying out, “Vive la révolution,”A bas Salomon,” “Vive Varrondissement” I rode up to Laforest, and taking him aside from the rabble and confusion, inquired most seriously if his men were with the revolution. He replied, “It seems so, Mr. Minister, and I, alone, am incapable of doing anything.” Ex-President Boisrond Canal at that moment was descending the street on horseback and we met him opposite the French legation. General Laforest said: “Let us enter here and see what can be done to change the situation.” We entered. The French minister was there, General Laforest, and myself. After discussing the aspect of affairs, General Laforest having said he could keep the soldiers in order for an hour or an hour and a half, but not for two hours, continued, “I propose that Minister Thompson go to the palace, explain to the President my inability to keep order among the soldiers longer than an hour or so, and as they demand that he (the President) leave, it will be best that he do so within an hour, as after that I fear he will run great personal danger.” About this time the British consul-general came in and said he would attend to the bringing of boats for the occasion. As there were frequent small skirmishes in the direction [Page 907] of the palace I knew danger surrounded the enterprise; but without hesitation I accepted, mounted my horse, and started on my mission. When on the rue du Peuple, while in the middle of the block, I found myself between two rival parties, who were blazing away at each other; my horse was almost unmanageable, but I succeeded in turning through an alley that led to another street. Sharpshooters were stationed behind every pillar in the palace grounds, and it was only by waving my flag, while shouting my title at each one, that they refrained from firing upon me. I arrived at the palace. The President informed me he was entirely at my disposition; that his confidence in me was such that if I thought it best he would depart immediately.

I immediately left him, ordered three carriages, and descended by the rue Miracles, where the shots were whistling so rapidly over my head, coming from another street and over some low houses, that I felt obliged to ride into Mr. Metzger’s, an American’s house, until they ceased. After remaining there a few moments, I again remounted and arrived at the arrondissement. All being ready, a ruse to send a great number of soldiers in other directions than we would take, was made, and the French minister, with the consul-general of Great Britain, the Spanish consul, and myself, rode to the palace, having in front of us, some 10 yards, more or less, a man carrying a large French flag. I carried all the time my small American flag. We descended from the palace, the President leaning on my arm. I placed him in the first carriage, where was also Lafontant, his private secretary, and Madame Salomon. Mounting my horse, I rode on the left side of the carriage. The French minister rode ahead; the Spanish consul, who was a little later joined by General Laforest, rode on the right side of the carriage. Thus we continued to Rivièré’s wharf, an enormous populace and mob following us, some read v to defend, others anxious to molest. At the wharf, with the President on my right arm, Lafontant on my left, General Laforest on the right of the President, the French minister ahead, the English consul-general behind, we proceeded to the boats that were waiting, having to force our way through an immense crowd, some yelling “A bas Salomon” “Vive la revolution,” and other incendiary cries. They were safely embarked. A squad of British marines probably gave such weight to the occasion that no real effort was made to molest the refugees.

It appears that after arriving on board H. M’s. S. Canada there were no rooms to put at their disposal; at all events they were conveyed upon a disabled Atlas steamer, the Alps, lying in the harbor.

After the departure of the Presidential party for the Canada, ex-President Boisrond Canal immediately had published an address to the people and the army, copy of which I inclose with translation, B and C.

The day following, Saturday, I took a boat in order to go aboard the Alps, and on arrival an officer informed me that no one could come on board without a permit from the consul-general of Great Britain or the captain of the Canada. The ex-President and Madame Salomon came to the side of the ship; he requested me to bring little Ida to him, but conversation was impossible on account of the wind and waves, and was scarcely attempted by either of us.

Obtaining the permit from Mr. Sohrab Sunday morning I took the little girl on board; my reception was so cordial that it became painful when the idea came to my mind under what different circumstances I had always before met those people. Mr. Lafontant came forward and, with tears in his eyes, said before them all, “Mr. Minister, to you I owe my life; I can never repay you, and can never forget your acts of humanity.” [Page 908] The President said, “We owe you a debt of gratitude from the heart that must always be warm in your praise, and that will last with life.”

Sunday evening, the 12th, the Atlas Steam-ship Company’s steamer Atlas left here directly for Kingston, Jamaica, to bring Senator Légitime and, I presume, any other of the political refugees there to this city. The ship returned with Légitime about 4 p.m., the 15th instant. An immense crowd was at the “Bureau de Port” to meet him, and the appearance of rejoicing was extreme; shots were fired so that the uninformed thought that it must be an attack on some point or other of the city. Légitime allowed himself to be placed in a carriage and driven through several of the principal streets of the city, hundreds of pedestrians and horsemen following. The city was a perfect bedlam for some hours. One or two men were killed by the carelessness of those using fire-arms and some twenty wounded.

On the 13th instant I received two dispatches from Consul Goutier, at Cape Hayti, copies of which I inclose, marked, respectively, G and H; also copies, with translation, of General Séide Thélémaque’s declaration to the people and the army, dated the 5th instant; his proclamation, dated the 7th instant, and several “orders of the day,” showing the adhesion of several different arrondissements to the revolution, marked, with translations, respectively, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P.

The minister of finance is at the British legation; the minister of justice at the French legation with the President’s brother-in-law., Emile Pierre, the ex-commander of the place, General Molière, and many others; the minister of the interior at his residence.

The minister of foreign affairs has remained at home in his fire-proof building ever since the departure of the President. The French legation opened its doors freely to any refugees, and there are many. I have invited no one here, but had made a determination that should any find themselves under this roof they would receive the same protection as is offered at other legations.

Sunday night, the 12th, General T. Sam, minister of war, returned from the north, where General Jean Jumeau, having repulsed the insurrectionists, captured stores, and in a battle killed several, and was aiding the Government when the news came of Salomon’s abdication. The minister of war immediately went on board the Toussaint l’Ouverture and started for this city. General Jumeau had them beat the roll-call, fired the alarm-guns, and proclaimed the revolution triumphant.

I found General Sam in the upper part of this building, over the legation, Monday morning. He asked my protection. I did not put him out. Before coming ashore he went to Her Majesty’s ship Canada. They said they could not take him aboard without certain formalities; the French war vessel made the same reply. He was landed at a point distant from the wharves and made his way during the night to this building. As I wished to communicate facts to the Department, although it was after 9 o’clock, I succeeded in stopping the Canada, and requested Captain Beaumont to deliver a note to our consul at Santiago de Cuba, instructing him to cable immediately on receipt the following:

State Department, Washington:

Salomon abdicated 10th instant. Anarchy.

Thompson.

On the afternoon of the 14th I, in common with all foreign representatives, received a dispatch from General Boisrond Canel, copy inclosed, marked Q, with translation marked R, to which I made reply, inclosure S.

[Page 909]

On the evening of the 16th it is reported that the French minister, accompanied by Mr. B. Rivière, a Haytien, went to St. Marc to confer with General Séde Thèlémaque and persuade him not to come to Port-au-Prince with his army, but only with the members of the committee from the north.

The report is now that General Thélémaque is expected this evening.

Very respectfully, etc.,

John E. W. Thompson.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 201.—Translation.]

Mr. Dupuy to Mr. Thompson.

Sir: Yesterday, about 10 a.m., General Jean Jumeau delivered a speech in which we were informed that the Cape had taken arms and was marching on Gonaïves.

Immediately on the conclusion of his speech he ordered the assemblée générale to be sounded, and all available men were drafted into service. Early in the afternoon the general left with his army.

He is said to have marched as far as Biloret (a village a short distance the other side of Plaisance) and to have encountered the insurants, before whom he fell back on Poteau, a place some 9 miles from here.

The consular agents here have held a meeting, at which it was decided that the situation was sufficiently serious to warrant their asking for a man-of-war to be sent here. With this end in view each consular agent has written to his chief at Port-au-Prince in the hope that some one of them will be able to comply with the request.

I hope to write you more fully on Thursday. Just at this moment I am very much pressed for time, our express leaving immediately.

I am, etc.,

Ethéart Dupuy,
United States Consular Agent.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 201.—Translation.]

Liberty. Equality. Fraternity.

boisrond canal to the people and to the army.

Haytians: When, three years after having been called to the first magistrature of the State, I resolved on the morrow of an insurrection over which I had triumphed to descend from power to spare the country from new evils that seemed to menace it, I made to myself the promise to remain one of the supports of the Haytian society, and to defend it if ever it had need of my sword.

To-day, that painful events have unveiled the imminence of the danger, I present myself to accomplish that engagement that I have taken to myself and that I have always considered as sacred.

I have not to retrace the dark years that we have just passed; I have not to show you the hideous spectacle of adventurers greedy after the public fortune and finishing by the aid of unnamable maneuvers in inflicting on the population of Port au Prince catastrophes without precedent. The shame of these last hours you know—that anarchy which ended in a monstrous despotism only but yesterday; only but yesterday it was spread before your eyes.

Therefore, understanding that the Haytian nation was tired of so many ignominies, I come to help break that cruel servitude in which it is crouching to recover its public liberties trodden under foot by Salomon the tyrant.

Faithful to my past, I come to make myself the servant of a revolution that has been for a long time in all hearts.

You know, Haytians, I am not an ambitious one; I am pushed only by the legitimate desire to contribute, in the measure of my action, to the return of concord and to the loyal and regular working of the institutions.

Our motto to all should be union; no more effusion of blood, no more of those hecatombs that only impoverish our country, in depriving’ it the more often of its best children.

[Page 910]

It is for the safeguard of that idea of appeasement that they will proceed presently to the formation of a provisional government, responding to the aspirations of the people. For myself, Haytians, I am not a candidate for the Presidency. When one has known those elevated regions where the confidence of a people places you, when one has had the redoubtable honor of being the first citizen of a nation, the consciousness of the responsibilities of power does not make it again desired.

From the day when the people by the voice of its representatives shall make known its choice we will be happy to remit to that one the power that a necessity of social preservation makes us provisionally the depositors.

In the mean while, with the concourse of all the persons of good will, I swear to safeguard the public interests, and you know I am not a man to perjure myself.

Haytians! Live peace! Live the reign of the laws! Live the union of the Haytian family.


Boisrond Canal.
[Inclosure 3 in No. 201.—Translation.]

Mr. Salomon to Mr. Thompson.

Mr. Minister: You have contributed with the dean of the diplomatic corps and the consuls of Spain and England to my embarkation yesterday, for which lam infinitely grateful to all. But it seems to me that since then I, with my wife and my sister, who accompany me, are actual prisoners, mis au secret, for in fact no communication with the land, with Port au Prince, where we have left our child Ida, who was to have joined us on board—apart from that, no news from our luggage; so that, since yesterday, we are with the same clothing with which we embarked; clothing soiled, soaked with perspiration. If this is hard for me; a man, it is harder still for ladies. Are we prisoners? I have nothing to do with the news of what is passing on shore; but I need my baggage, I want my child. I embarked suffering; I still suffer; I need the advice of and remedies from ray doctor, even that this advice be sent to me open, so that everybody can read it before it reaches me.

If my present position and that in which Madame Salomon is placed is not to end soon, I ask myself, would it not have been better for me to run the risks on shore, in the presidential palace, of the dangers that it was feared threatened me. I prefer death, without phrases, to an agony shared by women who are dear to me. In the name of God, Mr. Minister, make your colleagues well understand that I do not want to know what is going on, what is passing on shore and in the country.

In the mean while my respects, and the salutations of my wife to the Mesdames Thompson; we embrace our little Ida that we long to see again.

Robert Olliver, the attendant of the palace; my servants, Leon, George, and the governess Celine, that I have left with my child, will give you information about my affairs.

Very affectionately,

Salomon.
[Inclosure 4 in No. 201.]

Mr. Goutier to Mr. Thompson.

My Dear Compère: The Haytian steamer Grande Rivière arrived here on Friday afternoon at 3 o’clock (the 3d instant) and by 8, same evening, was seized by order of the arrondissement.

Saturday at noon the consular corps was invited to call at the arrondissement at 3. General Séide said that President Salomon had committed so many arbitrary actions, besides allowing the public money to be squandered by his favorites, and his administration is ruinous to the country, consequently his commandants d’arrondissements that are maintaining him in office are likewise responsible for his faults and bad administration; he can no longer continue to serve a chief who, after all his faithful service, sends for him to go to Port an Prince to arrest him; consequently he wished to inform the consuls that he would take up anus against the Government [Page 911] the next morning (Sunday, 5th instant). That the strictest order would he maintained he gave the assurance.

Sunday, 5th instant, at 6 a.m., in presence of the army, the alarm gun was fired, and the revolution proclaimed amid cries of “Vive la revolution!” A bas Salomon!” Delegations were sent to different, places and Grande Rivière, Au Trou, Fort Liberté, Limbé, as well as St. Fleur Paul, have sent their adhesion to the revolution.

It was said that Jean Jumeau of Gonaïves sent for Séide to confer with him, and Tuesday morning Séide left for Plaisance to meet him. A corps d’armée left Sunday afternoon, another Monday afternoon, and the cavalry with Séide.

As I do not know when the Du Couëdic will leave, I must close by saying that order reigns here.

In haste, but truly yours,

(2 p.m.)

S. Goutier.
[Inclosure 5 in No. 201.]

Mr. Goutier to Mr. Thompson.

My Dear Compère: Au Borgne has joined the revolution, which now counts seven arrondissements in its ranks.

General Séide left Limbé yesterday on his way to Gonaïves. We do not know whether Jean Jumeau has or will accept the revolution. If he does it will be well; if not, Séide has 4,000 men and will give him battle. Here out of 15,000 inhabitants you may count about 500 Salomonists. There has been but very little drawback in this revolutionary movement. The merchants have lent money in furtherance of the movement. The German steamer last Saturday took a large amount of coffee, and all the duties were paid to the revolutionary committee. Monday the Ozama arrived from New York and the duties were paid also to the committee. This steamer likewise brings goods, the duties on which will be paid to the committee. No more money will be paid to the bank. They will not take a cent from the bank, and since Friday a guard of fifteen to twenty men are stationed in front of the bank night and day for its protection.

The people here are quite sanguine of success. They feel confident that the south will take up arms next week and that when the different armies will appear near Port au Prince the representatives of foreign powers, in view of the great interests of their countrymen at stake, will bring pressure to bear on the President and make him understand that he has no right to wish to maintain himself even at the risk of destroying a portion of his country and merchandise valued at millions of dollars belonging to foreigners.

The revolutionary committee inclose a package for you, containing acts, etc., by this steamer.

The French war steamer arrived here yesterday morning at 9; the consular agent went on board at 10. At 11.30 he has not returned to inform us whether the steamer would leave the same day or remain until the morrow. I remained until near 1 o’clock; he had not come on shore. I went home; wrote you. I took my letter to the French consular agent; he was not at home. I went to the “port” to get a boat to take my letter on board; the steamer was out of sight! Politesse français. I inclose it by this German steamer. Everything is quiet. Were it not for the soldiers and armed men that you meet one would never think that we are in the midst of a formidable revolution.

The papers say that the commander of the Yantic found that everything was quiet, perfectly quiet, in Hayti; that it was useless to have deranged him to come here; so quiet that he left immediately; that shows that the Yantic knew less than the British of Haytian affairs; as they have always had at least one vessel at Port au Prince.

Ever since that affair in Port au Prince, when you and your colleagues so opportunely interposed between the authorities and Légitime, thereby saving his life and the lives of some others, all those who could read the sign of the times, with the vast conspiracies which were going on throughout the whole country, could not fail to see “que c’était le commencement de la fin,”

Yours, truly,

S. Goutier.
[Page 912]
[Inclosure 6 in No. 201.—Translation.]

declaration to the people and the army.

Citizens and Soldiers: At the moment that I free myself from the word that I have given to General Salomon to support his government up to the last limits possible, I feel the need of enlightening the country and my fellow-citizens on the motive of my public conduct.

In accepting to serve the government of General Salomon, I took the solemn engagement to aid him to realize the greatest possible good for the benefit of our dear country. Unfortunately abusing the feeling of military fidelity that caused his lieutenants to close their eyes on many points, to think only of the obligations that they have to maintain him in power, the Chief of State has, to the contrary of his lying programme, but plunged the Republic in an abyss of evils by the corruption of political morals, by the perversion of ideas, and by wasting the public money unheard of in our administrative annals.

Perhaps from the first years of the rule of General Salomon one could feel the ruinous declivity of a political system in which individual liberty has been but a vain word; in which the constitution became as elastic as the caprices of the chief; has never been respected, to such a point that senators and deputies were none the more exempt from the prison than the commonest of citizens. But besides that I have always groaned in my heart of an honest man in seeing the arbitrary proceedings so well calculated to demoralize a people, I have continued to support the government, thinking that, as we had just traversed a period of trouble and of anarchy, we should not draw back before any sacrifice to replace the country on a footing of real and fruitful peace—sole condition of progress for a young state like ours.

It was in the meanwhile that the famous insurrection of 1883 broke out, which was but the crisis of a long agitation. It is needless to say how it was suppressed.

Outside of and unbeknown to the commandants of arrondissements who appear responsible for the situation, the General Salomon entertains a crowd of hidden agents intentionally drawn from the worst classes, and who have more discredit than their immediate chief It is thus that one could not attempt any enterprise of a certain utility without receiving order to discontinue, under the pretext of making the people dissatisfied, who are represented in the eyes of the despot only by these vile agents.

To fill up the measure, this government, which showed itself so energetic to do evil, seemed to have no power to do good. Nearly the half of the city of Port au Prince, the capital of the Republic, has disappeared in flames. Public edifices of the highest importance, such as the chamber of deputies, the comptroller’s office, the civil court, etc., have been burned. Well, no serious inquiry has ever been made, and to crown the scandal with a new crime, they have executed, without judging, an unfortunate that all seems to make one think was innocent.

To the eyes of all clear-seeing men the consequences of such a system can not but lead to the loss of our autonomy; for when all social tie is broken, when there is no security either for persons or for property; when the title of foreigner is become an advantage to be envied in one’s own country, nothing can further maintain the love of national independence.

An officer of honor can not continue to support an order of affairs so ruinous without violating his conscience as a man and as a citizen, without becoming culpable towards the country in the service of which he should draw his sword in the face of and against all.

It is therefore the sentiment of my duty as a Haytien and patriot that dictated to me what I have done.

In proclaiming the revolution I am guided by no personal feeling. I have given more than forty years of active service to the benefit of my country, either under General Salnave, under General Dominique, under General Boisrond Canal, and under General Salomon even. No one has more right than myself to aspire to the first magistrature of the State.

Nevertheless I love my country too much to place fmyself on egotistical ground.

The revolution has for its sole object the overthrow of a rule of tyranny and dilapidation.

When the tyrant shall have disappeared from the presidential seat the people will be called to name freely their representatives, who will, in their turn, revise the constitution and name a Chief of State. If the free choice of that assembly calls me to power, I will accept, with the formal engagement to re-establish order in the finances, to raise up again agricultural and industrial labor, and to allow to my fellow-citizens all the liberties necessary the same; if the choice falls on another as worthy of the national confidence, I will be the first to lend him my assistance all the time that the interest of the country and public liberties shall not be in danger.

I loyally declare my opinion and the motives that have led me to raise the revolutionary [Page 913] standard in the noble and valorous city of the cape. I hope that all the true patriots, without mental reservation, will unite with me for the raising up again of our dear country. When the fatherland gasps under a yoke that ruins and debases, it is not permissible for any citizen to remain deaf to its voice.

Cry from one end of the Republic to the other: Down with Genera. Salomon! Down with despotism! Live the institutions! Live liberty! Live progress! Live order!

S. Thèlémaque,
General-in-Chief of the Revolutionary Army.

[Inclosure 7 in No. 201.—Translation.]

Liberty. Equality. Fraternity.

republic of hayti.—proclamation—the revolutionary committee of cape haytien.

Fellow-Citizens: The revolution proclaimed at the cape against the government of General Salomon has gained immediately all the departments of the north.

It will go from triumph to triumph up to the capital.

The hour marked for the fall of the tyrant has sounded, and there is not one single Haytian who can remain deaf to its echo.

Since nine years we have lived under a shameful and debasing rule. After our fathers had accomplished such great deeds to preserve to us a fatherland, where we could live and develop our aptitudes in the shade of liberty; after that we have struggled so much to draw our country from the claws of despotism, a man arose with a mask of hypocrisy, who, by deceiving enemies and friends in a moment of confusion, had himself elected to the first magistrature of the state.

The country, fatigued with sterile movements and unseasonable revolts, was thirsty for peace, and every one, frankly forgetting the past, showed confidence in a chief who, to a reputation of capacity—usurped, it is true—joined a large experience and a long practice in European civilization.

That confidence seemed to be justified by the programme that General Salomon published on taking the reins of government, but it was but a glimmer.

Instead of the fusion that this chief promised to the country in declaring that be belonged to no party, we have seen little by little infused in the Republic a spirit of distrust and of terror, that is the death of all social relation. The moneys of the state, turned aside from their national destination, defrayed the expense of a system of spying carried so far that no citizens had any confidence even in a friend to dare to complain of a situation that made every one groan in silence.

To perpetuate in power and to use it as a master, General Salomon perjured the oath that he had taken to observe faithfully the constitution, already modified to his will, has from his entry in affairs commenced to exercise arbitrary acts, illegal to all liberties. On all points of the Republic peaceful citizens have been uneasy; imprisoned without being judged.

The greater part have groaned for years in the prison cells of Port au Prince, until the time when the good pleasure of the tyrant decided to free them. Deputies, senators even, have been illegally arrested and imprisoned, without other justification than the despotic will of General Salomon.

Never has there been seen more political crimes committed with the power to call the state to reason.

General Salomon, to be able to commit with impunity so many and so flagrant iniquities, has above all used the public revenues, that he has always considered as personal property.

To blind the people he promised to organize a national bank, that he announced as an administrative, economic, and financial panacea.

But that bank, the institution of which might have been seriously useful to the development of the public credit among us, has become purely and simply a house of speculations, becoming to the commerce of the country a disloyal rival, giving to the Government the means of disposing of the public funds with the greatest secrecy, and receiving, without counting the interest and other unknown profits, more than $200,000 per year for the insignificant service of receiving the values that belong to the state and remitting them to the payees.

[Page 914]

By the aid of this system the finances of the Republic are conducted with a looseness equaled only by the spirit of prevarication that dominates the administration of General Salomon.

We have seen in the single exercise 1885–1886 unjustified expenses amounting to more than $700,000. It is already notorious that for the exercise 1886–1887 the unjustified expenses amount to $500,000. From the discussions that have recently taken place in the chamber of deputies it appears that more than $700,000 have been drawn out of the public funds without the Government being able to give any explanations of the going out of these large sums.

Let them say, “Fellow-citizens, at what time have we ever seen so scandalous a waste of the people’s money?”

Finding himself cramped by the circulation of a metallic currency not easily falsified at will, the General Salomon, who in 1882 had declared that paper money was an evil, did not hesitate before an emission of paper money in 1884 without any serious reason to justify a measure so ruinous to the economic advancement of the country.

Fellow-citizens, while the General Salomon thus dilapidated the public funds—traitorously swallowed up in the coffers of the bank—all the great public services remained suffering.

During more than four years the employés of the Government were not able to obtain their salaries only by a ruinous discount oscillating between 45 and 60 per cent.

The public highways, the keeping in order of which is of capital importance for the development of the public wealth, have been completely abandoned. We have no public edifices, our cities are not cleaned nor lighted, and it is thanks to a clement nature that we have not been poisoned by noxious miasms.

To feel all the blackness of such carelessness, one must know that the government of General Salomon, in augmenting incessantly the customs duties, has arrived at disposing more than six millions of the receipts, while before this the country paid not more than about four millions.

At the sight of all these depredations one would say that Hayti is one of those savage countries where the chief of state is master of property and persons, or of an absolute monarchy where the monarch is all and the people nothing.

We have in facta Chamber of Deputies and a Senate, but it is but the parody of a parliamentary system. Never has the legislative body put aside a law or a proposition of the Government, however unconstitutional or however ruinous that it might be.

A people reduced to a state of affairs so miserable and who would do nothing to come out of it would be considered as unworthy to be a free nation. Fellow-citizens, in the name of liberty we make a solemn appeal to all our compatriots from one end of the Republic to the other.

After having suffered for a long time, under a despotic and humiliating yoke, we at last reach the day of deliverance. It is in uniting ourselves without rancor, without party spirit, having for sole tie the love of country, that we can arrive at not only overthrowing the tyrant, but again raising our country from the state of moral abasement and material impoverishment where that fatal man of the 23d of October has thrown it.

Remember that next year, 1889, that noble country, France, will celebrate with a splendor without precedence the great centenary of liberty.

The immortal principles of the French revolution, of which the echo of old crossed the ocean to transform our chains in revenging arms, will be applauded, cheered by a hundred million voices everywhere where there lives a people worthy and free. What shame for us if the presence of a cynical, lying old man suffice to curb all heads in shame and humiliation and prevent our loudly proclaiming those regenerating principles that are the beacon of civilization! What irremissible condemnation for the black race!

Arise, then, fellow-citizens! Dilate our hearts and our breasts, too long compressed tinder the weight of despotism, and let us cry, Down with Salomon. Live the revolution! Live public liberties! Live order! Live union! Live progress and civilization.


  • Magny.
  • Alexis Nord,
  • Monpoint, Jr.
  • Pierre Louis Nemours, Jr.
  • Alfred Box.
  • J. B. N. Desroches.
  • R. G. Augustus.
  • St. L. Hector.
  • A. Firmin.
  • Demosthenes Gentil.
  • J. C. Daniel.
  • St. Amand Blot.
  • St. Martin Dupuy.
  • Cincinnatus Leconte.
  • Fuscien Denis.
  • Augustin Guillaume.
  • A. Menard.
  • Hyppolite.
[Page 915]
[Inclosure 8 in No. 201.]

Mr. Thélémaque to the Haytians.

Liberty. Equality. Fraternity.

Republic of Hayti—Séide Thélémaque, General-in-Chief of the Revolutionary Army—Order of the Day.

Haytians: Again new progress! General St. Fleur Paul, commandant of the arrondissement of Marmelade, has just given his adhesion to the revolution.

As I have already said to you, we march on from triumph to triumph without firing a gun.

To my patriotic call all the north has with baste answered, because everybody is tired with the despotism of General Salomon.


S. Thélémaque.
[Inclosure 9 in No. 201—Translation.]

Republic of Hayti—Order of the Day—Revolutionary Committee of Cape Haytien—To the Haytian People.

Liberty. Equality. Fraternity.

Fellow-Citizens: Called by General Séide Thélémaque, general-in-chief of the revolutionary army, on the acclamation of the population of this city to form a committee, that is to direct the revolution to its triumph, we have accepted that glorious mission, listening only to our patriotism.

The grievances enumerated in the declaration of General Séide Théléinaque published this afternoon suffice to legitimate a revolution against the Government of General Salomon.

In the name of the country unite yourselves to us, let us form one single body and hasten to deliver our country compromised by the unfortunate and machiavelian administration of the man of October 23d.

From the publication of the present order of the day all valid citizens are invited to assemble armed at the bureau of this place.


  • Magny.
  • Alexis Nord.
  • Monpoint, Jr.
  • Pierre Nemours, Jr.
  • Alfred Box.
  • B. N. Desroches Romain.
  • Gabriel Augustin.
  • Antenos Firmin.
  • Demosthenes Gentil.
  • J. C. Daniel.
  • St. Martin Dupuy.
  • St. Amand Blot.
  • Cincinnatus Leconte.
  • Fuscien Denis.
  • Augustin Guillaume.
[Inclosure 10 in No. 201.—Translation.]

Mr. Boisrond Canal to Mr. Thompson.

Mr. Minister: I have the honor to announce to you that following the events accomplished the 10th of this month the Government of General Salomon has been declared deposed from power.

My fellow-citizens having confided to me the care to maintain order, I think it my duty to make it known to you, and give you the assurance that I will do all to merit this testimony of confidence in guaranteeing principally to foreigners the security that is due to them in our country.

Accept, etc.,

Boisrond Canal.
[Page 916]
[Inclosure 11 in No. 201.]

Mr. Thompson to Mr. Boisrond Canal.

No. 226.]

Honorable Sir: I have the honor of acknowledging the receipt of your dispatch of yesterday, and beg at the Fame time to not only felicitate you on the merited confidence placed in you by your countrymen, but also to congratulate them on their choice in reposing the well-being of the capital in your conscientious care.

Accept, etc.,

John E. W. Thompson.