No. 255.
Mr. Adee to Mr. Fish.

No. 371.]

Sir: The religious question here seems to have reached another halting place, in the publication of two eagerly-expected royal orders, dated the 23d instant, one of which approves the action of the subgovernor of Minorca, and the other is a full and ably-written exposition of the standard of interpretation fixed for the eleventh article of the constitution by the government of Mr. Cánovas del Castillo.

It does not seem to me worth while to translate the first of these two papers, as the issue involved was quite limited, and the broader deductions of the government on which to base a rule of uniform action are embodied in the second order, of which I have prepared a careful translation for your perusal, which is hereto appended with the original.

The discussion in the press has been for some time working up to the point now reached, although on a rather narrow footing. The general principle of toleration as one of the bases of modern society seemed to be overlooked, and the debate went on as though the issue was whether or no English subjects (who are mainly interested in the question) had any right to claim toleration on the ground of like or superior toleration in England. In this aspect of the question, the Politica two nights ago triumphantly disposed of the argument by reprinting in English the text of the proclamation of the Queen, dated June 15, 1852, prohibiting wearing of religious habits, or the performance of any religious ceremony or demonstration, by the Eoman Catholic clergy or people in the streets.

The royal order now published by Mr. Cánovas accomplishes one marked result, in completely separating the church from the school-house; and while conceding to the former full inviolability and even protection within its walls, it brings the latter under the secular working of the existing educational acts. This result was a logical necessity of the issue presented at Mahon. The governor of that city, or rather, to give him his right title, the subgovernor of the island of Minorca, was charged with having entered a hall in which a number of dissenters were assembled on a week-day evening, and having commanded that singing then in progress should cease. The point on which the whole [Page 483] question turned was whether the hall in dispute was used for the secular purpose of instruction or for the religious purpose of worship; and the royal order annexed decides that it was not a church, but a schoolroom ) that the singing complained of was not religious, but merely a mnemonic device for fixing the multiplication-table and verbal conjugations on the minds of the pupils; and that the subgovernor had not infringed any law or acted unconstitutionally in doing as he did.

The circular of Mr. Cánovas, explanatory of the much controverted eleventh article of the constitution, may certainly be deemed to go as far in the direction of guaranteeing absolute inviolability for the dissenting church and cemetery as the language of the eleventh article can possibly stretch. The principle of religious propaganda, as doctrinal diffusion of ideas, comes, as Mr. Alonso Martinez has shown, (see my No. 344,) under a separate constitutional provision; and we now see that religious propaganda in the form of public instruction is brought within still another article, leaving the eleventh article to stand alone as simply securing freedom of religious opinion and of worship, and no more.

It remains to be seen how this decision of the government will affect the work of the evangelical establishments in Spain. Many of them, especially in the smaller towns, have the schemes of worship, instruction, and propaganda inextricably combined, one room serving alike for a chapel, for a school-room, and as a place of meeting for a lecture or some like secular social purpose. On the one hand, the local authority can hardly be expected to know at any precise day or hour whether such an apartment is clothed with constitutional inviolability or not; on the other, to confine the use of such room to the one specific purpose of worship would bear heavily on the poorer missions in the provinces.

In the cities, however, it would not be regretable if the whole matter should end by requiring the construction of decent church-edifices, templos in fact as well as in name, for dissenting worship—buildings whose outward form and specific use would leave no room for controversy, and the establishment of which in Spain would mark an era of permanence for the evangelical movement, which now rests on so feeble a native basis.

I have, &c.,

A. AUGUSTUS ADEE.
[Inclosure.—Translation.]

Circular royal order, regulating religious liberty and non-Catholic worship in Spain.

[From the Gaceta de Madrid, October 24, 1876.]

circular.

The natural difficulties which have arisen in the application of the eleventh article of the fundamental law of the state, as they do in that of any new legal text; the charges brought against a public officer, which have been the subject of administrative investigation, and are decided by a royal order of this date, and the various reclamations which, in distinct sense and concerning events occurring in the practice of the rights embodied in that article, are being presented from different cities and localities to the government of His Majesty, impose upon the latter the imperative duty of issuing certain rules in conformity with the existing legislation of the kingdom.

The government of His Majesty is determined that the letter and spirit of the eleventh article of the fundamental code shall be respected and obeyed by all; its understanding is that the first and second paragraphs of that article can afford no good ground of doubt to anyone; and that the Catholic Eom an apostolic religion being proclaimed in the one as official, in the other are respected the religious opinions of all those who dwell outside the pale of that church, and the exercise of any other worship [Page 484] is permitted which does not oppose or contradict Christian morality. It is very clear consequently, that the state protects the Catholic religion, for it is its own, but that at the same time it admits and establishes the tolerance of worship, guaranteeing the exercise of that right against every form of aggression.

The government, however, is not unaware that the third paragraph of the eleventh constitutional article has given rise in practice to doubts and vacillations, which are not referable to the word ceremonies, the genuine sense of which cannot be obscured, but to the phrase public manifestations. It should be remembered, nevertheless, that in discussing the constitutional precepts before the Cortes, the meaning which was to be given to the phrase in question was declared, now spontaneously, now in response to concrete questions put in the exercise of their right by the representatives of the nation. This recollection may serve to dispel any groundless censures on the score of inconsistency or arbitrariness which may be leveled against the governmental measures now adopted, if they turn out to be in harmony with the declarations made in the constitutional discussion referred to.

This is not the first time that the governmental authorities and the tribunals of justice have been obliged to give correct interpretation to the phrase public manifestations. The existing penal code, reformed on the 18th of June, 1870, frequently makes use of it; and in punishing, in its one hundred and sixty-eighth article, a certain class of public manifestations, it considers as promoters and directors of the same all those who, by means of discourses, printed documents, mottoes, flags, or other signs openly exhibited by them, or by any other acts, inspire them. It cannot be denied, therefore, that the penal law, without confusing a meeting with a manifestation, interprets the latter in a broad sense, and seeks its essence in words, printed matter, mottoes, flags, and other signs which are made use of in order to realize it. In virtue of this interpretation, there have been prohibited in Spain, since that penal legislation is in force, mottoes and public inscriptions alluding to forms of government distinct from that at present existing, and there are political parties without the fold of the common legality solely by reason of the name they choose to give themselves.

And even setting aside the penal code, it is sufficient to resort to the dictionary of the language, prepared by the learned academy which in Spain watches over the purity and precision of our tongue, in order to know that a public religious manifestation is any act which, setting out from the closed precincts of the private dwelling, of the temple, or of the cemetery, “declares, brings to light, or causes to be known that which is kept or concealed within them.

From this point the government sets out with the belief, with as much good faith as firmness, that everything which may manifest in or upon the public way the opinions, beliefs, or religious ideas of the dissident sects, or which may make known in the same form the acts relating to their respective worship, ought to be prohibited, and cannot be authorized or tolerated by the authorities charged with guarding the constitution of the state.

In professing this doctrine the government which to-day rules the destinies of the kingdom, is certainly not an exception on so important a point. In one of the countries which at the present day sets the highest price upon religious liberty, where not merely tolerance is proclaimed, but where it is pretended to guarantee the absolute liberty of all worships, and especially of the Catholic worship, yet for high national and international reasons there are, nevertheless, forbidden certain public manifestations which are very ancient and firmly rooted as customs, believing that if, on the one hand, governments are constrained to permit the full exercise of religious liberty, it is their duty, on the other hand, to scrupulously foresee, not only the care of morality and health, but also the maintenance of public order, preventing agitations among their citizens which find motives or pretexts in any religious act performed outside the temples.

There is also a nation, and one of the most free, which, taking into account the beliefs of the majority of its citizens, and even the interest of those who profess other and diverse beliefs, does not allow the members of the dissident churches, whether alone or accompanied, to wear outside of their churches the garb peculiar to their religion, to practice their rites and ceremonies, nor to carry banners, objects, or symbols of any kind in the public way, and considering it a punishable act when such proceeding takes place in the neighborhood of temples dedicated to the service of the official religion. Such acts, performed outside of private houses, of cemeteries, or of temples especially destined for worship, are looked upon there as the occasion of great scandal and of vexation for the majority—as an evident peril for the public peace—and are energetically repressed.

In the interpretation of the constitutional article in question, the government of the King does not propose to itself any different course from the foregoing. It demands from the dissident sects, and in favor of the official religion of the state, the respect and the consideration which the penal code exacts for the form of government, which is likewise the expression of the will of the immense majority of the country, in such manner that everything which directly and in the outward parts of the public way (or [Page 485] streets) may be contrary to the Roman Apostolic Catholic religion must be proscribed, whether the same be done by personal acts, or by emblems, inscriptions, advertisements, and other signs.

But in order to exactly determine the limit which separates the lawful from the unlawful, in order that the inviolability of the places destined for the worship of those sects, so long as they do not attack Christian morality, may be maintained in their shelter, those who profess those doctrines may freely devote themselves to the exercise of the right guaranteed in the constitutional precept; and in order, moreover, that, under pretext of religious meetings or associations, there be not constituted political organizations contrary to the security of the state and to the maintenance of social order, it is necessary that the public administration should know where to find the places of worship, (templos,) and who they are who direct, control, or represent them. It is indispensable, therefore, that every Spaniard or foreigner about to open a temple consecrated to a religion diverse from the Catholic, and which may come within the 11th article of the constitution, shall give knowledge thereof to the civil governors in the capitals of provinces, to the subgovernors in those towns where this class of authorities act, and to the alcaldes in other parts of the kingdom. Neither the ones nor the others should nor can forget that the constitutional inviolability of the temple only guarantees acts, rites, and ceremonies which are purely religious, since for all other purposes, not only the ministers of any worship, whatever it may be, but also those congregated within the precincts destined for its practice, are subject to the laws of police and of hygiene established by ordinances and regulations, and must be responsible for the faults and offenses which may be committed within those precincts, and especially by reason of their political nature, for those comprehended in articles 144, 145, 181, 182, 197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203, and 271 of the penal code.

There is, moreover, in this so very important a matter, a point concerning which the government of His Majesty must express its frank and resolute opinion. The lamentable confusion which, in some parts, it has been sought to introduce between the temple, devoted to worship, and the school, destined for teaching, cannot be in any manner allowed. The temple is inviolable, according to the eleventh article of the constitution; the school is submitted to the inspection, vigilance, and correction of the government and of its delegates, according to the seventh article of the decree of July 29, 1874, regulating the liberty of instruction; and those governmental powers would be illusory if the professor could invoke the inviolability of the priest, and convert at his pleasure into a church the hall wherein he assembles his pupils in order to instruct them in literature, arts, or sciences. Religion is the object of the eleventh constitutional article; instruction, of that of the twelfth article. The effects of the two precepts are distinct, as is the nature of the rights they guarantee, and, in order to carry out those effects and respect those rights, it is indispensable to fix with clearness the line of division between the temple and the school. If there be any one who may endeavor to excite controversies under cover of an inexplicable confusion, the prudence of the government must avoid them.

On the other hand, the free exercise of worship is recognized in Spain to all inhabitants thereof, without distinction between natives and foreigners; but the same thing does not occur with respect to the liberty of instruction, a possession which is assured only to Spaniards in the twelfth article of the constitution. Reasons of state, which cannot but be evident to all, have obliged the Spanish law-makers of every epoch, including those of the most liberal ideas, to make the national character a requisite for the foundation or creation of establishments of instruction, because it was impossible to consign to the hands of strangers the sacred trust of the future generations who bear in their consciences and in their understandings the future of our country. Thus it is that, not only for the foundation of schools and establishments of instruction, but even for the mere entrance into the professorate of Spain, it has been necessary for the laws of public instruction to give especial authorization to foreigners, as was the case in the law of 1857, which only empowered them to teach the living languages aid to give lessons in vocal and instrumental music. It should, therefore, be particularly borne in mind by the authorities that foreigners cannot be at the head of establishments of instruction, whether public or private, because this is not permitted by the fundamental code by reasons of grave considerations of high political interest.

After this there only remains one last admonition to make in order to complete the design of the government. The latter understands, and proposes to act in accordance with its understanding, that outside of the temple, which is inviolable so long as no punishable offense be committed therein, and outside of other establishments authorized for the purpose by special order, all meetings which may be held, whatever may be their character and the ends proposed, remain subject to the first rule of the royal order of February 7, 1875, which prescribes “that there shall not be allowed the convocation or celebration of any public meeting in streets, squares, or promenades or other place of common use, without the previous permission, in writing, of the governor of the province in the capitals, and of the local authority in other towns.” If, perchance, therefore, any such meetings be held without previously soliciting and obtaining [Page 486] the permission of the authority, it can be dissolved forthwith as unlawful, and its authors handed over to the courts of justice. No one can stigmatize this measure as unjust, because it would be folly to demand of the government that it should grant to the very small minority, as the dissenters are, that which it cannot concede to Catholics, who constitute almost the totality of Spanish citizens.

In this manner are fully explained the purposes of the government on the points to which, directly or indirectly, the eleventh article of the constitution maybe applicable; and such must be the interpretation to which must be adjusted the conduct of the authorities and functionaries to whom its compliance appertains. And in order that they may know more clearly still what they are to obey, and that there be no room for disculpation through allegation of unfounded vagueness in the instructions contained in this circular, they are hereinafter condensed in precise and concrete rules, namely:

1st.
There is hereby prohibited, from this date, every public manifestation of worship or of sects dissenting from the Catholic religion outside of the precincts of the temple or the cemetery of the same.
2d.
For the effects of the preceding rule shall be understood as a public manifestation every act executed upon the public way or upon the outer walls of the temple and of the cemetery, which may denote (que dé á conocer) the ceremonies, rites, uses, and customs of the dissenting worship, whether it be by means of processions, or of signboards, banners, emblems, announcements, and posters.
3d.
Those who found, construct, or open a temple or a cemetery, destined for the worship or interment of a dissenting sect, shall bring the same to the knowledge of the governor of the province in a capital, of the subgovernor in places where such an authority resides, or of the alcaldes in the other towns, forty-eight hours before opening them to the public, stating the name of the director, rector, or person in charge of the establishment.
A like notice will have to be given, if it have not already been done, and within a period of fifteen days, counting from this date, by the founders or persons in charge of the temples and cemeteries in existence at the present time.
4th.
The schools dedicated to instruction will perform their functions independently of the temples, whatever be the worship to which the latter belong, and they shall be considered as separate therefrom for all legal effects.
The directors or persons in charge of the same must be Spaniards, and they shall bring to the cognizance of the authorities to whom the foregoing rule refers the object of the instruction, their names and academic degrees, if they possess such, and those of the professors in whose charge the several chairs (or branches of study) may be.
5th.
The meetings held within the temples and cemeteries, as well dissenting as Catholic, shall enjoy the constitutional inviolability, provided there be not expressly contravened thereat the ordinances and regulations of police, or that there be not committed any of the offenses comprehended in and punished by the penal code.
6th.
The schools and educational establishments, without distinction of worship, (or religion,) shall continue subject to the constant inspection and intervention of the government, in conformity with the precepts contained in the decree of July 29, 1874.
7th.
The meetings which may be held outside of the temple and of other places and establishments authorized for such purpose by special order shall remain subject to the royal order of the 7th February, 1875; and if for their convocation or celebration there be not solicited and obtained the previous permission of the authority in writing, they can be dissolved as unlawful on the spot by the governor, subgovernor, or alcalde, respectively, who shall deliver those who convoke or preside such meetings to the disposal of the tribunals of justice.

By royal order accorded in council of ministers, I communicate this to you for its publication in the official bulletin of your province, and for its exact fulfillment.

May God guard you many years.


CÁNOVAS.

Señnor Civil Governor of the Province of–––.