Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, Transmitted to Congress, with the Annual Message of the President, December 6, 1875, Volume I

No. 156.
Mr. Avery to Mr. Fish.

Legation of the United States,
Peking, May 12, 1875. (Received July 9.)

No. 52.]

Sir: Since my No. 46, of April 1, announcing the murderous attack on a British exploring party in Yunnan, and stating the action of the British minister at Peking in relation thereto, it has become evident that the affair is surrounded by circumstances of peculiar gravity. After securing compliance with his demands, Mr. Wade left here for Shanghai, attended by several members of his legation. At that port he can have telegraphic communication with his Government, and can start for Yunnan the two officers who are to “join the investigation into the massacre which has been ordered by the Tsungli Yamen. It is understood that Mr. W. S. Grosvenor, second secretary of legation, and Mr. Baber, Chinese secretary, are the officers appointed to this responsible trust, and that they will proceed from Hankow overland to their destination; but this is uncertain. Mr. Wade, at last reports, was daily expecting the arrival at Shanghai of Colonel Browne, the chief of the expedition to which poor Margary was attached, with whom he probably wishes to confer before sending forward his agents. In the mean time he had gone up the Yangtze, accompanied by the British admiral and two gunboats, upon what errand is not known.

The Tsungli Yamen, on their part, having delegated to Li Hung Chang the selection of a Chinese official to accompany the British officers, that dignitary has named for the purpose one Sung Pao-hwa an underling of his own Yamen at Tien-tsin. This appointment has given great umbrage to the British residents of China, and has been severely commented on by the newspapers; but as Sung Pao-hwa accompanies the commission only as an escort, and is not to participate in the inquiry, his inferior rank is a matter of less consequence than it would otherwise be, though doubtless an escort of a higher grade would magnify the importance of the commission in native esteem. Mr. Wade’s departure from Peking simultaneously with that of several of his secretaries and their families and of a number of other foreigners, was the cause of many exciting rumors among the Chinese.

The underlings about the Yamen, who are always permitted to eavesdrop, are said to have heard the open threat to leave unless his demands were complied with, which the British minister made on the occasion of a call upon the foreign office with his full staff of secretaries and attendants before sending in his written ultimatum. This meeting was reported to be rather stormy and electric. As he did leave a few days afterward to see his family off for Europe, and for other reasons given heretofore, it was inferred among the common people that he had had a rupture with the Yamen. So much apprehension resulted among them that trade in the Chinese city was impeded for a time, merchants being afraid to venture on outside transactions, and their apprehensions have since extended to the lower provinces. Then there were ominous rumors in the English newspapers, which soon came to the knowledge of the Chinese; some to the effect that the British-Indian government was massing troops in India; others, that an army was moving on the King of Burmah, who is suspected of having instigated the attack on Colonel Browne’s party. Dispatches from England showed the existence there of such an indignant feeling as would seem to make a military demonstration on the Chinese frontiers, if not an invasion of Yunnan, not altogether improbable. The leading foreign representatives here have received telegraphic instruction not to leave their posts, as is usual for most of them to do, on the approach of warm weather. M. Yon Brandt, the German minister, who had gone as far as Tien-tsin, on his way to visit the ports for consular inspection, returned here at once, on his instructions, and the French chargé d’affaires postponed his intended journey to Shanghai. The Tsungli Yamen have apparently realized that grave complications may grow out of the matter should the result of the investigation in Yunnan not be satisfactory to the British government, as may very easily prove to be the case. Unless responsible principals, who are believed to be Chinese officials, are brought to punishment, English opinion will imperatively demand that the government shall take the matter into its own hands.

With the French already occupying the sea-board of Cochin-China, and promising at no distant day to possess the whole territory, and with the English partly established in Burmah, threatening presently to absorb the whole kingdom, and burning to open a trade-avenue through Yunnan, which remote province is held for the Chinese with difficulty against insurgent Mohammedans and aboriginal savages, the Chinese ministers have cause to regard the situation with some uneasiness. The prospect of having the French and English as neighbors on the southwest, while Russia already possesses the great region to the north of them—Mohammedan clans are weakening their hold on the western provinces, and Japan casts envious eyes upon Corea, on their eastern side—is not reassuring. Then a strong section of English opinion, both in Europe and Asia, is clamorous for what is termed a more vigorous policy in China, and would welcome a pretext for a fresh resort to coercion. It would be unfortunate if such a pretext were afforded. However slowly, the Chinese are, nevertheless, surely acquiring a better knowledge of foreign ideas, customs, and improvements, and with the confidence that comes of peaceful and kindly relations, are more willing to favor foreign enterprise. To revive their distrust and fear would be, in my opinion, to retard the political and moral ameliorations so much desired on every hand. Renewed coercion might, more speedily than peaceful negotiation, open more ports and secure better commercial facilities; but it would tend to strengthen the anti-foreign feeling, and might lead to disorders which the imperial government, weak enough at best, would find it difficult to quell, and which could not fail to react injuriously upon foreign interests generally. A perusal of the inclosed newspaper extracts, which include a more detailed account of the Margary massacre, and of the subsequent engagement between Colonel Browne’s command and the Yunnanese, will give you a tolerably fair idea of the character and motives of the expedition, and of the profound feeling excited by its repulse. It becomes plain, from the information thus given, that while on the one hand the attack and massacre were premeditated, treacherous, and savage, involving a barbarous disregard of the sanctity of passports and friendly letters, on the other hand the expedition was pushed rather rashly into a region which is infested by a wild race, strongly opposed to commercial intercourse with Europeans, and hardly more than nominally under the control of the Peking government. Whether the Burmese are more inclined to permit foreign trade than the Chinese and aborigines of Yunnan, remains to be seen. They are freely charged with at least an equal share of guilt for the late crime, prompted by a desire, as alleged, to continue in the enjoyment of a monopoly of the coveted trade. Great Britain has other causes of complaint against the King of Burmah, and any color of evidence that he instigated the attack on Browne’s expedition, would probably lead to his dethronement and the annexation of his dominion. Meanwhile, as appears from an announcement in the Peking Gazette, (official,) an embassy from that ruler to the Emperor of China is well advanced on the way to Peking, and speculation is rife as to its object. As its departure preceded the massacre in Yunnan, it must originally have had an errand independent of that event. Sixteen or eighteen years have elapsed since the last embassy from Burmah to this court. The frontier tribes of the two countries indulge in mutual depredations, but the government of Burmah looks up to that of China with some degree of respect and deference. The embassy no w on the way here may have reference to the common objection to the opening of inland trade-routes by Europeans, and to the common fear of territorial aggression from India. In the absence of facts, however, speculation is idle. I ought to add that the Chinese government is just now unusually sensitive on the subject of its border relations, and has apparently decided on a more vigorous policy toward the insurgents of its outlying provinces. At the arsenals along the coast, the acquisition of foreign arms and drilling of troops by foreign methods is extending; labor is continued on defensive works; four more gunboats have been ordered from England; and experiments are making with Danish and other torpedoes for river and harbor defense.

Considerable numbers of troops have been moved into Formosa to prosecute active operations against the aborigines, and to assist in opening the island to the colonizing enterprise lately authorized to subjects of China, former restrictions on emigration thither having been removed, while permission has been given for the working of coal-mines. More troops have been moved into Kashgar than can well be subsisted, and a large force is about to be sent into Manchuria, on the Corean border, where another Mohammedan outbreak has occurred. It is an interesting fact in the history of China that this force is to be conveyed by sea in Chinese steamers. These facts are not relevant to the Yunnan difficulty, except as they help to explain the present position of this government, which is making unusual and costly exertions to maintain its authority and prestige. With the pride of antiquity it clings to border possessions which are of no profit to it, and are certainly an element of weakness; but this pride is partly mixed with fear, lest in losing its outlying provinces it invite encroachments on the integrity of China proper. Perhaps they have an especial dread of those vigorous propagandists, the Mohammedans, who have in turn supplanted every native dynasty in continental Asia but that of China.

* * * * * * *

I have, &c.,

BENJ. P. AVERY.

[Inclosure in No. 52.]

Sundry extracts from Anglo-Chinese newspapers.

PARTICULARS OF THE MARGARY MASSACRE.

From the North China Herald of May 1, 1875.

We are indebted to Dr. Lamprey, of the sixty-seventh regiment, for a much fuller narrative than has yet been published, of the attack on Colonel Browne’s expedition, and the circumstances of Mr. Margary’s assassination. The narrative was to be published a few days after it was dispatched to us, in the regimental paper of the sixty-seventh, Our Chronicle, and a copy is very courteously sent to us in advance, with the knowledge that it would have exceptional interest in Shanghai. Old residents will, well remember the regiment when it was quartered here, after the campaign in the North and during the Taeping rebellion, and we are of course indebted to the recollection of its stay here, for the present paper. The sixty-seventh, being stationed at Thayetmo, were in the way of getting early information of the expedition.

The account which has reached us from Burmah, of the attack on Colonel Browne’s party, removes any possible surmise that it had the character of a riot. The whole affair was clearly premeditated, and comes home more closely than ever to the governor of Momein. As we had learned before, Mr. Margary had gone on ahead of his, party to try to overcome some opposition which was shown. He seems to have been persuaded that he had done so, and sent back word to Colonel Browne to that effect. We learn from the Rangoon Gazette that this messenger returned to Mr. Margary after delivering his message, and was one of those killed. A groom only seems to have escaped; and it is from him, we presume, that the information comes that Margary was speared while mounting his horse in response to the tsaubwah’s invitation to visit some hot springs in the neighborhood. The narrative we publish below says his head was carried to Momein and exposed on the walls of that city. In the mean time, Colonel Browne’s party, deceived by the deception practiced on Margary, was advancing into the trap. He also rode on ahead, and was politely received, while the attacking party were gathering round. It; soon became evident, however, that treachery was intended, and the timely arrival of his escort appears to have been his salvation. They commenced a retreat, were at once attacked, and a brisk fight ensued, during which a leader of the assailants, wearing a Chinese military mandarin’s uniform, was shot.

the attack on colonel browne’s expedition.

[Our Chronicle—67th Regiment new paper.]

A common spectacle in China, as everybody who has ever resided for any time in the celestial empire knows full well, is a man’s head placed in a bamboo basket and suspended over the gate of a city for the crowd to gaze at and take warning by. It is not often, however, that the demoralized instincts of Chinamen have been gratified by the sight of a European’s head in such a position, and we may well fancy what a crowd has stopped to gaze intently on such an unusual object over the chief gate of Momein, one of the walled towns of the remote province of Yunnan. Day after day during the past month the eyes of a Chinese multitude, as it passed in and out of the city gate, were turned toward the Yang-queitze-tow, or “foreign devil’s” head. Some grinned, no doubt, with satisfaction; some wondered in mute astonishment; and some, perhaps not a few—for all Chinamen are not such idiotic, frivolous creatures as they are generally taken to be—made shrewd remarks, and questioned to themselves the wisdom of such a proceeding, however sophistically accounted for in the proclamation posted on the side-Wall of the city gate.

Poor Margary! Full of life, and the pride of having accomplished the feat of being the first Englishman who succeeded in traversing from the northeast to the southwestern limit of the vast empire of China, and safely got beyond its borders to Bhamo where we have a resident political agent, such, it seems to be too true, is his unhappy fate.

The story is soon told. Having accomplished his mission, to which he was duly accredited by our representative at the court of the Emperor of China, and by the Chinese government, and arrived safely at Bhamo on the confines of the Burmese territory, he put himself in communication with Colonel Browne, who arrived at Bhamo from the south about the same time, in command of the expedition to the governor-general of the province of Yunnan, to open up a trade-route with Western China. It was considered that the experience he acquired in his recent journey would be most valuable to the expedition, and he at once prepared to return with it over the same ground to Talifoo, and through China to Shanghai. The expedition consisted of five Europeans, viz, Colonel Browne, Dr. Anderson, Mr. Allen, in charge of the topographical department, and Mr. Ford in charge of the escort of 15 armed Seiks. To this was added, by the Burmese King’s orders, a guard of 100 Burmese soldiers under two of their officers; so that what with the baggage-animals, several Chinese servants and other followers, the expedition assumed considerable dimensions.

Its history is, however, a brief one. Starting from Bhamo through a line of country which had already been determined upon, and the necessary preliminary communications with the Tsawbas or heads of the clans of semi-independent tribes who inhabit the space intervening between Chinese and Burmese territory, who in fact constitute the “buffer” between those nations, having been dnly accomplished, the expedition set out; but after a few days’ march some difficulties were encountered, and opposition began to be shown to its further progress. At length it became palpable that proceeding any farther would be likely to cause a hostile collision with the people; this of course was to be avoided, as the expedition, whatever may have been its merits, was strictly a pacific one. This route was given up, and, the party returned to Bhamo, where a new one was determined on; and as soon as the necessary communications with the chiefs residing in that direction were completed, the expedition started on its way again. A few marches had hardly been accomplished when rumors of opposition to its progress were again rife, and as it proceeded these rumors assumed a more definite form. From the accounts we have had the opportunity of hearing from the members of the expedition when they touched at Thayetmyo, where they arrived on the 15th ultimo on their way to Rangoon, (and these accounts were necessarily very vague and limited until the official report of the mission is published,) it seems the usual duplicity and feeble cunning of uncivilized people were apparent in the interviews with, and the messages sent by, the chiefs of the Cochins, (Kakhyens?) the usual designation of these people, who are distinguished as Burmese or Chinese Cochins in accordance with their proximity to either the Burmese or Chinese territory, and are generally known in China as the “Shan-ye” or hill-men, who prefer their own barbarous independence rather than submit to Chinese laws and customs.

At length the opposition compelled the party to halt, and in order to ascertain the reason of it, and if possible to adjust matters, Margary, with five or six Chinese servants who accompanied him, proceeded in advance.

We shall, perhaps, never fathom what took place in that interval. Suffice it to say-that Margary did not turn up in the manner he had pre-arranged with Colonel Browne, and that the last communication with him was a message he sent hack saying that the expedition was to come on, as it was all right. The Chinaman who brought back this message returned to Margary, and was one of the unhappy victims of that kind of treachery which has so frequently branded the Chinese character in history. This was near being exhibited on a larger scale. Colonel Browne, receiving the message that it was all right in front, started off ahead of his party with One or two others, and was to all appearance politely received by an official at his residence, which he was induced to enter; presently it became no longer doubtful that some serious duplicity was intended, which was fortunately frustrated by the timely arrival of the armed escort. There was an immediate retreat, when their worst apprehensious were confirmed by the appearance of armed men on some neighboring hills, and some shots fired from the jungle close by. One of the Seiks was struck by a spent ball, and a mule belonging to the baggage-train was shot through the neck. Fortunately these were the only casualties, but they might have been more serious; in fact, the safety of all the party would have been in much jeopardy had it not been for the resolute behavior of the Seiks, who were armed with breech-loading Snider rifles, but who had few chances of using them with effect, as the jungle was both close and dense. It was not until the Burmese guard and friendly Cochins, who behaved well, had set fire to the jungle, and thus obliged the enemy to expose themselves in the open, that their firing told. Probably twenty altogether were shot.

After such an unfortunate occurrence, it was of course impossible to think of proceeding further, and the next thought was how to get back to Bhamo, This being resolved on, the expedition retreated as fast as possible over the high range of hills which separates Chinese from Burmese territories. It was well it did so in time, as the armed body assailing it was only the advanced guard of a considerable force which was being sent on from Momein with the object of cutting off retreat in all directions.

It was since ascertained, however, that there was no doubt as to poor Margary’s fate. At the frontier town of Manwyne, through which he had passed on his way to Bhamo, and where he had been hospitably received, he had been decoyed into a retired place, under most friendly pretexts, when he was speared while he sat on his pony by some dastardly Chinese, and his head was sent on to Momein, together with the heads of five or six Chinese who accompanied him. One of these Chinese he had picked up in Shanghai. Another joined him at Han-kow. He was a Christian, and a most intelligent and well-informed man. Another was a native of the province of Yunnan, who, being a Panthay, had escaped into Burmah from the recent general massacre of his party and settled at Prome, where he married a Burmese wife. He joined the expedition with the view of returning to Yunnan to see his aged mother and surviving relations. He had made himself most useful, and was much regretted by all in the expedition. It must not be supposed that any of the Chinese servants were agents in the treachery; on the contrary, the expedition owes its escape altogether to the fidelity and quick apprehension of the Chinese servant who accompanied Colonel Browne when he went on in advance.

Now, who were the aggressors? There can be no doubt they were a band of Chinese braves, with, of course, some local Cochins. One of the leaders, who was more courageous than the rest, got in advance of his men, and was shot by the Seiks. There was an opportunity of examining him closely, as his men bolted as soon as he fell. This man wore the usual dress of a Chinese military official of a low grade. The Cochins were not altogether hostile to the expedition; on the contrary, they assisted in carrying the baggage, and otherwise showed hostility to the Chinese; of course they were well remunerated, which was an important element in gaining their friendship, and they readily assisted in recalling Mr. Elias, the assistant political resident at Mandalay, who had started on a separate route to explore the course of the Irrawaddy.

Another reason for supposing that the treachery was approved of, if not instigated, by the Chinese mandarins, is the fact of the heads having been sent to the Chinese city, where they were publicly exposed. It must also be remembered that this hostile attack took place within a few miles of the proper Chinese territory.

The Chinese government appear to be bent on keeping a strict cordon around the western borders of their empire, with the object of guarding against the admission of Europeans in that direction. On all sides we see every effort made to get into the country from the west frustrated, and the recent expedition is only another evidence of this old Chinese exclusiveness which has been broken down pretty well on the eastern borders, but still exists where our gunboats cannot reach. There is no provision in the treaty of Tien-tsin by which we can claim admission into China by any other direction than the seaboard, and the disastrous failure of Colonel Browne’s expedition is an unfortunate example of our short-sightedness in framing that treaty.

Whether the Burmese were privy to the opposition may be hereafter more fully shown, or it may not be so; though the fate of the previous expedition under Major Sladen, and the fact of a Bur man expedition having preceded Colonel Browne’s only a few days previously, besides the probability of other evidence being forthcoming, tend to throw some light on the cause of the unfortunate dénouement of a project which was intended to be mutually beneficial to Chinese, Burmese, and English interests.

The question now remains, how will all this be regarded by the different nationalities interested in it? The Chinese will of course represent it as a great victory gained over the outer barbarians, and will treat it with the usual exaggeration, boasting how their braves beat back an immense army of invaders and utterly annihilated it, &c.

The Burmans will, no doubt, regard it as a piece of diplomacy. They seem to be entirely opposed to the opening up of trade with China via Burmah, and have reduced it almost to a minimum, though at one time it assumed considerable dimensions, and appeared capable of very great extension had the trade-route been thoroughly opened out.

The Seiks, who, though few in number, represent an important nation, will carry back the tidings with them to India. They fully expected to be detained at Thayetmyo until a large force could be collected to take revenge on the Chinese, not knowing of course that there were more direct ways of reaching their government than by sending an army up the Irrawaddy.

the attack on colonel browne’s party.

[From the Rangoon Gazette.]

The members of the expedition to Yunnan returned on Friday, and Dr. Anderson left for Europe on Sunday. Colonel Browne remains here for the present. We are now in possession of full details of the attack upon the expedition, which fortunately, owing to the steadiness of the Sikh escort, and the judicious application of a little palm-oil to the Kachyens, escaped destruction. After all, it appears, the presents and so forth were not looted, and barring the loss of Colonel Browne’s uniform, pillaged by the friendly Kachyens in charge of it, and of Dr. Anderson’s dress-clothes, coupled with the destruction by fire of a few pack-saddles which were burnt to prevent their falling into the hands of the marauders, but little damage was done, and but few souvenirs remain in the hands of the enemy. Mr. Margary, who was received in an extremely friendly manner at Manwyne on his outward journey, had left the party, and ridden on to that place, utterly at a loss to understand the rumors that were abroad as to obstacles ahead. He, it appears, believed no harm was intended, and wrote to have his journal sent on to him. It would seem he had been in Manwyne for some thirty hours when the Saubwah suggested a ride outside to visit some springs, hot spring’s we believe, a short distance from the town. As he was mounting his pony, he was speared and subsequently beheaded, and his Chinese attendants, five in number, shared his fate—his syce only, we understand, being fortunate enough to make good his escape. Unaware of the catastrophe which had happened, the expedition resumed its march in the morning, following the road to Manwyne. As the members advanced through a sort of hilly amphitheater surrounded by dense jungle, they became aware, between seven and eight in the morning, of a thin line of Chinamen below them to the right, while in their rear there were signs of others; in a word, a cordon was being drawn around them. To their left was a steep hill with an almost vertical descent on the other side. They were not long left in ignorance of their neighbors’ intentions— puff after puff of smoke from the surrounding jungle told that the attack had commenced. The Kachyens forthwith stampeded over the hill, playfully drawing their fingers across their throats as they passed Colonel Browne, by way of conveying their views of the fate that was in store for him. The Sikhs unstrapped their cartridge-boxes. Methodically and coolly they went to work, and taking up a position by some large stones toward the bottom of the hill, prepared to send a bullet in the direction of every puff. Cautioned by Colonel Browne to be careful of their ammunition, they threw themselves out in skirmishing order, and from 8 in the morning until 4 in the afternoon, firing w as kept up. Meantime a Kachyen hailed the party to the effect that he had been offered five hundred rupees by the enemy to come over to his side; but Colonel Browne topped the offer liberally, and at the request of the Kachyens handed them powder wherewith to fire the jungle. This procedure had a most wholesome effect, and cleared the gorge in the rear, thus enabling the expedition to make good its retreat. The Kachyens were marvelously impressed by the prowess of the Sikhs, and being in a state of maudlin drunkenness would insist upon embracing them.

While the Burmese who accompanied the expedition, and who were repeatedly shouted to by the Chinamen not to expose themselves to fire, as they were attacking the foreign devils only, were in a state of uproarious excitement, blazing away and aiming at nothing in particular and shouting the equivalent in Burmese to “we are men,” which statement they confirmed in a manner highly illustrative of the principle that “seeing is believing.” Fortunately, hardly any casualties occurred. One of Dr. Anderson’s men was shot through the arm, and a ball grazed the side of another native. We believe the return of the expedition to Bhamo in safety was not welcomed there by any demonstrations of satisfaction—rather the reverse; possibly the Yunnan merchants and their constituents in Bhamo do not precisely relish the prospect of open competition, and more especially European competition, in a trade which at present is virtually their monopoly.

I here is a rumor that the British resident is to be withdrawn from Bhamo. We hope that is not so. The opening of that route to trade must come, and because the machinations of the old anachronism at Mandalay have for the moment retarded it, it would be idle to look upon the project as impracticable. We believe, on the return trip, His Majesty, of Burmah, intimated his wish to receive the mission. We are glad that our proverbial politeness to barbarous potentates did not in this instance influence the mission to accept his invitation.

the murder of mr. margary.

Major-General Margary writes to the Times as follows: “As the public have not been informed of the whole facts, real or supposed, concerning the disastrous defeat of the British mission from Burmah through China, may I beg you to be kind enough to publish the following? The first telegram received said, ‘The attacking party was the advance guard of an army of 3,000, sent by order of the governor of Momein to annihilate British party; of this there is no doubt.’ ‘With deep grief Colonel Browne reports that Margary and his servants, five Chinese, have been killed at Manwine, and their heads exposed over wall of town. Chinese commanded by the nephew of Lee See Hie.’ The last telegram from Colonel Strover, via Rangoon, dated March 3, states: ‘From private information I learn that Margary went ahead of expedition to reconnoiter; when twelve miles from Manwyne, in consequence of hostile interruption, he entered to reconnoiter, and was treacherously murdered.’ Poor fellow! we know not what horrible torture he may have been subjected to when the Chinese got him into the town. My heart bleeds to think of it. Will our present noble government and the British nation allow this most outrageous insult and defiance of it to pass unavenged? I trow not. If it did, our hold on India would be imperiled. As it is, no doubt exaggerated rumors of a large force of English ‘foreign devils’ being easily defeated will spread through China and elsewhere like wildfire, and what may be the effects of it if we do not act promptly? Manwyne should be razed to the ground and Momein occupied by us—two feats easy to be accomplished; and then there would be sufficient protection, both moral and physical, for a commercial route through Burmah into China, open to all countries. We went to war with the King of Abyssinia on account of his imprisoning a vice-consul. Lord G. Hamilton, in his tame answer to Mr. Cartwright in the House of Commons on Thursday last, called my son a ‘distinguished engineer who had joined the expedition at Bhamo,’ thus making him appear a private individual traveling on his own account, whereas he was in Her Majesty’s consular service in China, and was sent to join the mission to conduct it through China, by order of the British minister at Peking. He went most willingly, and held imperial safe-conducts.”

[From the Foo-chow Herald.]

Later advices tend to confirm our most unfavorable suspicions with regard to the foul treachery and brutality of the Chinese officials concerned in the murder of Mr. Margary. There can be no doubt as to the culpability of the Yunnan authorities, and we are glad to observe that the entire foreign press unite in condemning the atrocity. It is rumored in the North that the Chinese government has expressed its willingness to indemnify the family of the deceased gentleman; but we hope that no satisfaction short of the execution of capital punishment on the ruffianly instigators of the crime will be accepted. The honor of the British flag is at stake, and we trust that it will be fully vindicated by determined and resolute action on the part of Her Britannic Majesty’s minister.

[From the Hong-kong Times.)

At the present moment, China stands answerable for a terrible, unprovoked, and aggravated crime. The way in which she will deal with it will depend upon the attitude and demand of the nation which, through one of its murdered citizens, has been outraged and insulted. It will be well that, as is likely, the circumstances should be investigated by English officials; but it is hardly probable there will be a dispute about the facts. Any plea of irresponsibility should be summarily and indignantly dismissed. What England dictates China will no doubt do; and, as has been said, England’s policy must be firm and unswerving. First, and above all else, England must insist upon the severest punishment of those who instigated and carried out the dastardly crime. Official position of any participant, instead of being accepted in mitigation of punishment, must be pointed out as a reason for the infliction of punishment in its fullest and severest form.

[From the Daily Press.]

Apropos of Mr. Margary’s murder, the Pioneer has the following; the last sentence is significant: “Our telegraphic announcement—to the effect that the expedition was attacked at a place about half-way between Bhamo and Talifoo; that Colonel Browne has retreated within Burmese territory, and that Mr. Margary has been killed—is as surprising as it is painful. The mistake may have been involved in some overconfident reliance on the credentials of the Peking government. In outlying provinces of the Chinese empire the authority of the central government is very loosely exercised. It is premature at present, however, while the contretemps is so imperfectly realized, and the expedition is on its way back, to speculate on the measures which the government may have to undertake. But our policy in China for years has been tending to lower the British name in Chinese estimation, and sooner or later it will be necessary to give up all intercourse with the country or take steps to restore our political credit with the mandarins. It is sadly to be feared that the feeble policy of the government of Great Britain during the past ten years is, in some degree, responsible for the commission of this (Mr. Margary’s) murder. Our government has relaxed its hold on China, has suffered the treaties wrung from Chinese statesmen, at infinite cost and trouble, to become practically dead letters, and has lost much of the influence and prestige which formerly attached to the British flag in the East. The inactivity which has characterized English policy in China of late years has certainly not proved masterly. It has been productive of great mischief to our interests here, and has earned for us nothing but the contempt of other European nations, and the insolence of the Celestial. No longer are English officials treated with the marked courtesy once extended towards them in China. They are now put off with lame excuses, treated sometimes with scant ceremony, and, generally speaking, are not paid the deference which, in former years, they commanded. The reason is obvious. We have fallen in the estimation of the Chinaman; familiarity has bred contempt. The British lion has gone to sleep, and they have found him wonderfully tame and harmless. It is advisable, nay imperative, that he should shake himself together and once more show that he still retains his pristine vigor, is prompt and willing to avenge the slightest affront offered to him, and is eager and able to protect his interests, wherever and whenever threatened.

TONQUIN.

A Chinese letter from Tonquin, dated 12th January, which has been placed in the hands of the China Mail, contains some curious news on the state of affairs there. It runs somewhat as follows:

I promised to keep you informed of what takes place in Tonquin, and especially as to what has become of the poor partisans of the Laes (Le) since they were abandoned by the French, above all since they were paid for the services they rendered to the French cause in being fired at. These Laes are real natives of Tonquin, partisans of the old dynasty of that country, and consequently not in favor of the supremacy of the government at Hue. When Lieutenant Garnier came to Tonquin with his men, the Laes at once joined them, hoping to have their country placed under the French protection against the Annamites. When Garnier was killed and French troops withdrawn, these Laes were abandoned to the hatred of the Annamite mandarins. At first part of them were killed by the mandarins, but later, the Laes gathered together to offer resistance, informing the French, however, that if they would attack them on behalf of the Annamites they would not even defend themselves. The French answered them that they would remain neuter on the one side as on the others; that the Laes could tight against the Hue’ government, which would have nothing to do with them, (the French.)

On the strength of this promise they united under the flag of the Laes (old Tonquinese dynasty) for the purpose of trying to drive away their Annamite tyrants, and then re-establish their king. They were advancing rapidly, and were already in possession of two provinces, when the French, unable to any longer resist the solicitations of their friends the Annamites, shot down the poor Laes. Since then the French have renewed their attacks frequently, and have nearly exterminated these unfortunate partisans of the Lae family, who were the Frenchmen’s friends. It was to put a stop to this that Bishop Calomer interfered.

My former letter left the Laes after their last engagement with the French troops, which engagement did them so much harm, and obliged them to take refuge in the Cotba Mountains. A very strange fact has recently occurred, which once more shows the value of some people’s word, and especially the value they put on fulfilling their engagements. Monsignor Calomer, the good bishop, who, as all those that have followed these events in Tonquin know, deplores the fate of these poor Laes, went and proposed to the French commander to stop, by a conciliatory measure, the extermination of these good people. He promised to obtain their submission if the commander would protect them against the hatred of the Annamite mandarins. This submission the bishop told him would not only lead to peace, of which the country has so long been deprived, but also to show the people that circumstances alone were the cause of the Laes’ misfortunes—misfortunes which they rightly attribute to the French, and for which they reproach them. The bishop asked in return for an engagement (which he considered simply as an act of charity) that the Laes should be respected by the Annamite mandarins, and that they forthwith should be placed under the protection of the French flag. He added, even, that the best means would be when their submission was given to send most of them to Saigon.

The French commander promised the bishop that he would take all the Laes under his protection to prevent the mandarins’ exactions, and to ask permission at Saigon to send part of them to Lower Cochin-China, if they quietly laid down their arms and made faithfully their submission.

An Annamite priest was sent to make known these ideas of peace, and to advise the Laes to stop the rebellion, which had been so fatal to them. While this was going on, and the French commander was thus endeavoring to arrange with Monsignor Calomer this honest and honorable measure to put a stop to the sufferings of the unfortunate Laes, the mandarins found means to insinuate to the commander that this measure was dangerous, and that they had better get rid of the rebels, &c. They succeeded in making the commander assist them by lending them two gunboats, the Aspic and Espingole. Notwithstanding the promise made to the bishop, who had already sent messengers of peace who by that time ought to be amongst the Laes, notwithstanding the promptings of conscience which ought to show men the infamy of this action, the French commander consented to assist the Annamite mandarins in their fight with the Laes, at the very moment when the latter received the word of peace from the missionary’s mouth.

Judge, my dear friend, of the deplorable result of the bishop’s negotiations and the lamentable consequence that would necessarily arise from the parleys and conciliations brought about by the priest. The Laes were ready to listen to the promises, were even going to move down, and believed, when they saw in the distance the smoke of the gunboats, that these came to take them off to Hai Phang, when the shells and shot from the men-of-war’s guns showed them their false position. During this the missionaries had of course to bear the brunt of the wrath of the indignant Laes, and got back with much difficulty, bringing the answer that the Laes would not submit on any conditions, and that they would rather die than to trust again to the Frenchmen’s treacherous promises.

Monsignor Calomer is a Spanish bishop, residing one day’s distance from Haiphong, where the French are.

The China Mail believes the English and French governments at home are negotiating as to the possibility of acting in concert regarding the opening up of Tonquin on the one hand and Burmah on the other, so as to permit of free ingress to the borders of Western China.

THE FRENCH IN TONQUIN.

The China Mail gives some further news of French proceedings in Tonquin.

Two ships of war had left for the Annamese capital, with a French official on board who was empowered to make final arrangements, and to fix the date of the opening of Tonquin to foreign trade. He was expected back in Saigon on the 20th of April, and it was assumed that he would bring news that the event would be fixed for some day in June next. It had been the intention of the French admiral to visit Hué in person, but the King put so many obstacles in the way that the idea was abandoned until the court of Hué could be persuaded to be less obstructive. The difficulties raised remind us very much of our early intercourse with China, and toward which we seem to be gradually drifting back. One objection was that the treaty forbade the ascent of the river as far as Hue by men-of-war, and that, consequently, the admiral must travel overland from Touron to the capital; just as the Chinese caused Lord Macartney to travel overland to Peking, and more recently opposed by force Sir Frederick Bruce’s attempt to go up the Peiho. The Annamese also desired to be excused from firing any salutes. When the Antilope left on her second trip, her commander was instructed to inform the Hué authorities that all these objections must be withdrawn, or the treaty would be annulled; and, says the Mail, it is highly probable that the Annarnese yielded. If so, Tonquin will, within the next eight or ten weeks, be open to trade. The China Mail also publishes a very curious letter, derived ostensibly from a Chinese source, regarding some recent proceedings of the French in Tonquin, which it is very difficult to comprehend. We shall try to make what can of it. When Lieutenant Garnier was at Hannoi, certain malcontents came and offered tneir services; “Laes,” the letter calls them, we presume Laotians, or the primitive inhabitants of the district. When the French found it advisable to retire, the Laotians’ were left to their own devices, and the government pressed them so much that they rose in actual rebellion. They tried to get French assistance, but only succeeded in obtaining a promise of French neutrality. The French, however, were desirous of renewing relations with Annam, and succeeded in getting a treaty signed in the beginning of last year. As an inducement apparently to the Hué government to carry out its stipulations, they seem to have turned round on their old allies the Laotians. Possibly the fact is that, the latter having made themselves masters of two provinces on the French frontier, there was a prospect of affairs becoming unsettled with a rebellion raging next door. At all events, the letter states that the French interfered, and nearly exterminated the “Laes.” Hereon, another disturbing element, which too often manages to crop up in the negotiations of the French with Eastern nations, came to the front. We find. M. Calomer, a missionary bishop, negotiating between the French general and the Laotians, with the object of placing the latter under the protection of the French flag, in order to preserve them from the attacks of the Hué government. Once more the counsels of the latter prevailed, and the French again desert the Laotians and send assistance to the Annamese. Hereupon, naturally, results a cry from the Laotians. They had twice been made tools of by the French, and promised assistance against their natural enemies, the intrusive Annamites, and twice they had been deserted at their hour of need. Now, it is only necessary to add that the charge is entirely ex parte. The French commandant’s version of the matter is, doubtless, something very different, and would show that there was little, if any, of the ill-faith practiced which is attributed to the French. Still the latter ought to have learned, by this time, that edged tools are dangerous. We cannot help sympathizing with M. Calomer’s attempt to screen the Laes from the persecution overhanging them; but a minister of the gospel is seldom in a more unsuitable position than when playing diplomatist; and it seems tolerably evident that in this case the French were led into an engagement which they found impracticable, and in withdrawing from which they incurred dislike, if not discredit. The simplest solution would be the annexation of the entire country. Such close relations with a semi-barbaric court, as the position of the French in Cochin-China involves, are simply impracticable. We find the same difficulty every day in Burmah, which is the more settled country of the two. And we cannot but think the extension of both English and French rule to the frontiers of Yunnan would be the simplest and best solution.