No. 136.
Mr. Avery
to Mr. Fish.
Peking, December 20, 1874. (Received February 24, 1875.)
Sir: About two weeks ago General de Raasloff, His Danish Majesty’s envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, who must be known to you as former Danish minister to the United States, arrived at Peking, via Shanghai, direct from Europe, by the French line of steamers, accompanied by a secretary and interpreter, and is now stopping at the Russian legation. He has been received by the foreign office, and has applied for an audience with the Emperor in order to present his credentials in person; but his reception at court will probably be delayed indefinitely by the Emperor’s illness. His cards announce, and he frankly declares, that he is charged with a mission extraordinary. This mission, doubtless, is to endeavor to secure from the Chinese government protection for the lines of Danish telegraph now in operation in this empire, and perhaps to validate what has been done toward [Page 238] the construction of the land line between Amoy and Foo-chow, the work on which is still peacefully under way. At present he proposes no more than that his colleagues shall join him in a collective note to the Tsung li Yamen, representing the great importance to foreign and Chinese interests of the lines of shore-cable extending from Vladivostbck, in Siberia, to the British possessions of Hong-kong, and connecting with British and Russian telegraphs at either extremity, and midway with a Danish cable to Japan; setting forth that these lines are subject to interruptions caused by ignorance, carelessness, or thievery, and asking that the government, by proclamation or otherwise, notify local officials and warn the people that these lines must not be molested.
As the shore-cables were laid without distinct concessions or explicit permission from the government, the effect of such a proclamation would be, virtually, to legalize their existence and put them under the shelter of native and consular authority. Another effect would be to impress the popular mind with the idea that the central government does not regard telegraphs with apprehension or hostility. By fair implication, the protection accorded to the cables might ultimately be construed as extending to the connecting land-lines already in operation from Woosung to Shanghai, and from Foo-chow to the Pagoda anchorage, if not to the long line now being erected between Foo-chow and Amoy. I have no doubt that all this enters into the purpose of General Raasloff, in asking the diplomatic body to jointly request protection for the cables. In other words, he seeks to accomplish indirectly, through the help of his colleagues, what would probably be denied him if sought directly by himself alone. So long as the Foo-chow land-line is quietly advancing toward completion without the formal sanction of the central authorities, it is evidently wise to ask nothing in reference to it that would compel these authorities to take cognizance of it before it is a, fait accompli, and perhaps alarm them into such an expression of disapproval as would check whatever tendency some of the local officials have to encourage such works in their respective provinces.
I am inclined to think that it will be politic to co-operate with the Danish minister to the cautious extent of his request. While it would be improper and unwise to advocate private schemes of telegraph or railroad enterprise as such—for such schemes would not come singly, and would embarrass and annoy the imperial authorities so much that they would be confirmed in their hostility to such innovations—it seems a duty to encourage in any rightful and prudent way projects of improvement of a general character. The shore-cables are cosmopolitan. They are used by all nations, including the Chinese; and even the imperial government received through them, during the pendency of the Formosa dispute, dispatches of political importance. It is indispensable to the commerce of the world that these lines be protected. In fact the telegraph has become as essential to commerce as the ships that carry goods or the postal system that conveys letters. It is part of one great whole. As the foreign communities at the treaty ports in China grow in numbers and enlarge their trade, it becomes more and more necessary to them that they should possess the same facilities for quick communication as are enjoyed by mercantile communities elsewhere with which they have business relations. Japan having adopted a telegraph system, merchants there will ultimately gain the advantage of those in China, unless the latter can have the same facilities undisturbed. A first step to obtaining these was taken when the shore-cables were laid, in a most cautious and secretive way, the land-connections being made at one point under cover of darkness. The safety of [Page 239] these cables is too vital to be left to chance. It seems a simple and right thing for foreign representatives to ask that it shall be authoritatively secured. The imperial authorities can hardly refuse a united request to this end. If they grant it, the next step—the construction and protection of land-lines already begun without open hostility or disturbance—will be much easier.
In view of the importance to American commerce in Asia of an extension of telegraphic facilities, in view also of the value of such extension to the business of the prospective cable across the Pacific which our government authorizes and encourages, it seems to me to be right to do whatever can be done without leading to needless complications or departing from the just policy heretofore observed in our relations with China, to help promote and protect the enterprise of the only telegraph-builders who have secured a foothold in this vast empire. Every representative of the United States to this court has urged the necessity to the peaceful advancement of China, and to the extension of foreign trade, of the introduction of railway and telegraph lines. The interest in these means of progresses world-wide, and appeals to the humanitarian as well as to the political economist. While the United States justly disclaims any right or purpose to dictate to China how or by what steps she s hall advance, that disclaimer surely was not meant to estop us from advising or asking that forward steps be taken when practicable and when demanded by the common welfare. If we rest on the assertion that China will be left to advance in her own time and way, and fail to indicate when a good time and way are presented, we are simply allies of the native apathy and inertia which oppose progress now as they have opposed it heretofore.
There can be no question that, had the importance to commerce of telegraphy been realized when the first treaties were made, whereby ports were open to foreign residence and trade and missionary labor, the privilege of constructing cables and land-lines, and their subsequent protection, would have been claimed quite as firmly as the privileges actually secured, and to the continued profitable enjoyment of which telegraphs are becoming more and more indispensable. If, incidentally and constructively only, we have deemed it right to ask that commerce with the port of Shanghai shall be facilitated by dredging the Woosung bar, with how much more reason can we urge the broader benefit to commerce of permitting the peaceful erection and maintenance of telegraphic lines. This new adjunct of commerce has caused in Europe and America a readjustment of the laws of trade and finance, and unless the mercantile communities which have pioneered the way to a better civilization in China can accommodate their business fully to this re-adjustment by full enjoyment of the same advantage, they must lose ground; and what they lose will react injuriously upon China.
These considerations, which might be amplified and illustrated, incline me to act with the other representatives of the treaty-powers, should they conclude to address the Tsung li Yamen in favor of according a quasi legal status to what has been already accomplished in the way of telegraph-building. I am informed that the British, Russian, German, and French ministers have received special instructions to support General Raasloff in his mission. In the absence of any instructions for my own guidance, and there being no time to await them before deciding on my course, I have deemed it right to assure the Danish minister of my cooperation, subject to the future approval of the Department. There was no alternative, except the loss to our country of its proper share of influence [Page 240] in what may prove to be the initiative of a very important progressive movement.
Accordingly, I agreed to meet my colleagues of Great Britain, Russia, France, Germany, and Denmark, at a conference appointed by Mr. Wade as doyen of the diplomatic body. This conference was held to-day, and after a prolonged discussion, which turned entirely upon the manner of addressing the Tsungli Yamen, an agreement was reached, the details of which are given in the inclosures sent with this.
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For further particulars I respectfully refer your attention to inclosure marked “protocol,” which gives the reasons impelling to common action and the mode of procedure agreed upon. You will observe that my colleagues append their signatures as under special instructions. In attaching my own, I made the reservation on this point which was needed to conform to the truth. The next step in this business will be the preparation of the preliminary notes and their mutual examination and comparison at a meeting fixed for the 23d instant, in order to be sure that they shall agree in substance. Then the notes, or Chinese translations of them, will be handed in to the Yamen at the same time.
I shall be glad to learn the views of the Department on the general subject opened up in this dispatch; and, for antecedent facts bearing upon it, beg leave respectfully to refer you to my No. 7 and No. 10.
I have, &c.,