Mr. Pike to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two despatches of the 15th and 19th of September, (No. 69 and 70,) and also your circular of the 22d of the same month, covering a proclamation of the President in reference to the slaves of persons who may be in rebellion against the United States on the 1st of January next.
As I have often had occasion to remark, the ruling classes of Europe are in no way favorable to the American government, or to the principles on which it is founded; but, besides this, they have hitherto found a pretext for their semi-hostility to the efforts of the government to subdue the rebellion, in the allegation that it was engaged in no contest for the principles on which it professed to rest its claims to the consideration of mankind, and thus could not claim to challenge even the respect of its adversaries; and now that the President makes proclamation of his purpose to emancipate the slaves of rebels, and so remove in a degree the grounds of this stereotyped complaint, there will be, I presume, neither hesitation nor difficulty on their part in discovering some equally good reason why their good will should be still further withheld. Our case in Europe is a very plain one—democracy everywhere supports the federal government; anti-democracy everywhere opposes it. If there be exceptional cases, it is where policy temporarily dominates principle. The rebellion of the slaveholders being a bloody protest against the progress of free principles, it finds itself in union with the reactionary party of Europe, and of its entire aristocracy. By these it is therefore defended and upheld. It is the touchstone of every European’s political predilections and associations. All the World knows that this great and powerful class feel no real hostility to any existing form of national oppression. The white people of Europe have obtained no shore in government, [Page 623] and no recognition of any political rights that were not wrenched by main force from the grasp of dynastic rule. What the ruling classes have denied to their own subjects, so long as denial was practicable, they do not feel, and will not admit, that the African held in slavery in America has any claim to exercise; and there is no logical reason to conclude, and no fact that I am aware of to show, that they will look with the faintest interest upon either the social or political emancipation of the blacks. The proclamation will not, therefore, unless I misjudge, operate to change the attitude of foreign governments toward the United States in their present struggle, however much that struggle may be intrinsically ennobled by making it one for widening the area of freedom. On the contrary, so far as it may be supposed, that it will encourage efforts on the part of the slaves to break their chains; the reactionary party will condemn it, as they condemn everything that tends to further the general cause of human rights at the expense of the privileged classes.
The only convincing argument with this class would be a commanding general able to cope with the rebellion.
As to the mass of the intelligent people of Europe belonging to the liberal party in politics, (outside of that island known across the channel * * * * ) of which the German may be taken as the type, they have been universally friendly to the government, and have, to a great extent, understood its difficulties as well as sympathize in its efforts. The proclamation will confirm their faith, and invigorate their hopes, that this atrocious rebellion of the slaveholders may meet with its just deserts.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington.