259. Telegram From the Embassy in Italy to the Department of State0
1524. Christian Democratic Convention (DC) opening Florence October 23 being described as most important since war and political situation generally being viewed by observers here with serious concern.
Political center of gravity as represented by party organizations, platforms and membership, has shifted substantially to left in recent years. (Economic and social progress has contributed to, not reversed, this progress as expectations develop for even more progress in objective conditions which indeed leave room for much more progress.) Working outside this context, unaffected by its leftward trend and deeply disturbed by its implications, has been organized political influence of big business, operating directly on agencies of government and on individual deputies, and controlling entire non-party daily and periodical press all (according to many Italian observers) in atmosphere of considerable venality. Immediate political expression of this power element is Liberal Party (PLI) which has strongly opposed Fanfani and his “Center–Left” thesis.
Most important and politically dangerous consequence of this growing divergence is difficulty of reconstituting old center party coalitions. Entire Center–Left is impatient and unwilling be associated with PLI and rightist elements, while latter are digging in to prevent further erosion of vested interests.
Arithmetic of stable government, however, remains essentially what it has been since DC lost absolute majority in 1953 election. Communists (PCI) have 24 percent of Chamber seats, Nenni Socialists (PSI) 15 percent and right Neo-fascists 4 percent: DC has 45 percent of deputies and Center coalition being so difficult, party has been forced to look either to left or to right in remaining 12 percent of political spectrum for acceptable alliances necessary for parliamentary majority.
Fanfani made brave attempt, with government he formed with Saragat Socialists in June 1958, to implement forward-looking program which had been presented by DC to electorate. His margin (8 votes) was too small and he underestimated strength of opposing interests. Rapid pace at which he appeared to be moving toward implementation of program, combined with [1–1/2 lines of source text not declassified] shadowy maneuvering of Gronchi, led to some 30 deputies in his own party [Page 573] secretly voting against him and to failure of attempt to govern with Center-Left formula. Workable alternative was found in Center-Right arrangement under which PLI, Monarchists and Neo-Fascists (MSI) agreed to support DC in Parliament (without, so far as we know, any specific commitments to MSI on politics or patronage).
For first time, Neo-Fascists have semblance of governmental respectability and support of government’s domestic and foreign policies is endorsed by membership. However, anti-Fascist tradition (fanned by Communists) is still strong and MSI support of DC has become handicap—so serious that many observers believe DC must rid itself of appearance of MSI support and assumed concessions to rightist interests which it implies, well before country-wide municipal elections scheduled for next spring, or face substantial losses in those elections.
Saragat feels his position threatened by PSI “autonomy” (illusory though it still is) and is reluctant support present DC government when, notwithstanding its legislative achievements in social field, it can with superficial plausibility be tagged by PCI and PSI as Clerico-Fascists.
Unhappy logic of this analysis is that DC, for either practical or for prudential reasons, apparently cannot long govern with formal arrangements for either Center-Left or Center-Right support, or with coalition including Saragat socialists and PLI, unless rigidity of all present positions is attenuated.
Situation would be difficult enough to solve with united DC Party under outstanding leadership such as De Gasperi provided. As against this need, however, DC goes into Florence convention with more serious differences of principle and personal rivalries between factions than at any time in past. It is too early to speak of repetition on national scale of what happened in Sicily, but some of conditions which enabled DC and rightists elements to form regional government with support of PCI and PSI certainly exist.
Separate telegram describes situation within DC party itself.1
- Source: Department of State, Central Files, 765.00/10–2159. Confidential. Repeated to London, Paris, and Bonn.↩
- In telegram 1542 from Rome, October 22, Zellerbach reviewed the strength and positions of the various political factions within the Christian Democratic Party. He noted that the main issues at the party convention were likely to be: “(1) Social and economic program; (2) acceptability of Segni government and possible alternatives; (3) DC relations with Nenni socialists (PSI). Foreign policy hardly mentioned in campaign but as result of (1) intense nationwide Communist and PSI propaganda pressure on GOI to adjust foreign and domestic policies to accord with Communist interpretation of policy of ‘relaxation of international tension’, and (2) new possibility of Gronchi visit to USSR, may become an active issue.” (Ibid., 765.00/10–2259)↩