133. Memorandum From the Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs (Eagleburger) to Secretary of State Shultz1

MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY

You will recall that you asked how we might take advantage of Secretary Regan’s request for transfer of the debt rescheduling billet to Treasury to bring about better coordination. I, in turn, asked Chuck Meissner for his views; they are attached.

Meissner argues forcefully—and with some substantial reason—that you should not agree to the transfer, on the grounds that while systemic issues belong in Treasury, bilateral issues belong in State. He also has some suggestions on other ways in which we can improve coordination. And finally, his memo gives an interesting view of current practice from the vantage point of someone who no longer has an axe to grind.

Rather, than try to take the edge off Meissner’s thoughts at this stage, I recommend you read this memo and let him have, thereafter, 30 minutes for discussion. He is worth hearing, even if you decide not to act as he suggests.

If, in the end, you decide to shift the debt rescheduling job to Treasury we can still propose the other steps Meissner recommends.

While the memo has some action recommendations at the end, I suggest you decide nothing now.2

LSE
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Attachment

Action Memorandum From the Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs (Eagleburger) to Secretary of State Shultz3

SUBJECT

  • Improving the Department of State’s Influence in the Formulation of Foreign Economic Policy

Summary

The Secretary of Treasury has asked the Secretary of State for the diplomatic portfolio associated with the rescheduling of official debt. This memo addresses how State should respond and if there is a way to use this response to strengthen State’s role in the formulation of U.S. foreign economic policy. This memo recommends that we preserve our present role in formulating bilateral and regional economic policy. Within this framework State should keep its debt rescheduling responsibilities.

Over the past 20 years, there has been a slow evolution of foreign economic policy decision making. What we now have is the systemic issues dominated by Treasury (international monetary, IMF and multilateral development banks) and USTR (trade, commodities and some investment).

Bilateral and regional economic matters—including the application of systemic issues in the regional/bilateral context—are largely controlled by State (debt rescheduling, East-West, aid, ESF, military assistance, some investment, EC and OECD relations, bilateral aviation, FCN treaties, etc.). This is essential because of the interaction between our strategic, political and economic interests in individual countries and regions.

The memo concludes that it is not practical to challenge the systemic responsibilities of Treasury and USTR or attempt to take over institutional coordination now in the CCEA, CCCT, SIG–IEP and TPC. The best solution for State to gain influence is to solidify our bilateral and regional economic policy role and strengthen our bureaucracy to do a good job as well as substantively contribute on systemic issues. The last section of the memo deals with implementing this option.

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Attached is a draft letter to Secretary Regan responding to his request and reflecting the conclusions of this memo.4

The Treasury Request

The Secretary of Treasury has requested of the Secretary of State that the debt renegotiating portfolio now held in EB be transferred to Treasury. This is not a new request and talks have been held previously with Treasury on the Assistant Secretary level. Treasury has no complaint about the arrangement except that the portfolio is at State. This portfolio was passed to State from Treasury in 1972 or 1973 because debt reschedulings were of a highly political nature. It was agreed that all negotiating positions would be mutually agreed between Treasury and State. The agreement has been observed.

Treasury’s main observation is that other Finance Ministries have this portfolio and they do not. In reality, only about half of the head delegates at a debt rescheduling are from Finance Ministries, the other half are from various official agencies. FRG is represented by their Economic Ministry; UK by their export credit agency (except at larger reschedulings such as Poland and Yugoslavia, when the UK Treasury was in charge); Swiss by their Economics Ministry; Sweden, Denmark and Italy by the Foreign Ministry; Norway by their Trade Ministry.

Agreeing with Secretary Regan on the basis of promised future cooperation would be an error. The Treasury bureaucratic motto is “Cooperation is what you ask of others”. The International Monetary Group (IMG) has not met in nine months. The National Advisory Council only meets on a staff level. There is little desire by Treasury leadership or staff to coordinate except at cabinet levels. (The only bright spot is that the Treasury/State lunches at the Under Secretary level have been revived.) A verbal agreement between cabinet officers on coordination will have some short-term effect but it will fade away and finally disappear when one of the cabinet members party to the agreement leaves office.

There are very strong reasons for retaining the debt rescheduling portfolio in the State Department. Such reschedulings are inseparable from our broader foreign policy interests in individual countries and they need to be controlled by State to assure that these interests (political, strategic, regional security) are taken account adequately. Other western countries, which do not have our global security role, can afford to treat debt rescheduling as a more technical economic matter. We cannot.

Present U.S. Foreign Economic Policy Decision Making System

The system of formulation of U.S. foreign economic policy is diverse as it is complex. There is no center of policy but many centers. Policy [Page 344] making is split among numerous bodies and among a number of major agencies: Treasury, USTR, State, Commerce, Defense, Agriculture and NSC. In theory broad policy decisions are made by consensus through cabinet councils or interagency groups. Once policy is formulated, lead agencies proceed to implement with minimal interagency clearance.

The attached chart, Exhibit 2, reflects the present organization, varied subjects entailed and those agencies interested.5 However, the IMG functions have been assumed by the SIG–IEP. The other financial coordinating mechanism, NAC, only meets at staff level.

Conceptually it is easier to understand the formulation of U.S. foreign economic policy if it is divided into systemic issues and bilateral/regional issues. The prime systemic issue is trade and trade cannot exist without the international monetary system. USTR and Treasury, respectively, provide the lead roles in these fields. USTR uses the Trade Policy Committee (TPC) but this overlaps with the CCCT chaired by Commerce. (Commerce should actually be limited to the trade enforcement function. Policy and enforcement should not be in the same agency). Agriculture also plays a major role in trade.

Treasury manages the international monetary policy through the CCEA, the SIG–IEP (replacing the IMG) and the NAC. In these bodies they coordinate policy for the IMF, G–10, G–5, international credit agreements and the multilateral development banks (MDBs). The credit arrangements and the MDBs, especially the IBRD, have both systemic as well as bilateral and regional impact.

State Department controls bilateral and regional foreign economic policy. The primary vehicle for coordination is the NSC (e.g. East/West economic policy) but we also use forums chaired by other agencies. Under State purview, for example, are AID, ESF, military assistance, EC and OECD relations as well as debt rescheduling. The bilateral and political nature of reschedulings make this an appropriate State Department responsibility. Probably most important for involving State in the broad economic policy function is our organizational role for the Economic Summits.

How Can the Department Increase its Leadership Role?

The key point to remember is that trade and services reflect the only flow of real resources internationally. They are the heart of foreign economic policy. All other issues, including international monetary policy, are part of this exchange process in that they enhance, inhibit or specify [Page 345] the terms on which these flows will take place. State Department has three options to increasing its influence over the conduct of U.S. foreign economic policy: reasserting control over trade, taking over the umbrella policy coordination function or strengthening its position in the status quo.

The Trade Option

Over the last 20 years foreign economic policy has become increasingly more important in foreign policy, but the Department’s role has declined. The policy function has been increasingly fragmented in the Executive Branch. Now Congress is pushing for further dilution by forming a Trade and Commerce Department designed to be parochial and responsive to domestic interests on trade issues. The fact that six U.S. cabinet officers participated in EC/US consultations indicates the attraction of other departments to the foreign policy function.

If trade lays at the heart of foreign economic policy, then the key issue in foreign economic policy is control of the trade policy function housed at USTR. Congressional sentiment to have this function returned to State is minimal and in fact the opposite. USTR is created by law and the head of USTR is designated by law to be of cabinet rank. The USTR staff have been very careful to write into legislation or legislative history their responsibilities and prerogatives.

The evolution of USTR has caused numerous problems:

Overlap of responsibility with State and Commerce.
Establishment of Ambassadors and a Mission abroad not under the authority of the Secretary of State (and with little desire to coordinate).
Lack of adequate personnel—few of those they have are of superior caliber and they borrow heavily from State. A majority of USTR officers in Geneva (to include the DCM and the Ambassador, Mike Smith) are FSOs, seconded to USTR.
Duplication of functions between the Trade Policy Committee (TPC) and the Cabinet Council on Commerce and Trade (CCCT).

These problems could be solved by integration of USTR into State. There is no possibility of turning the clock back to 1960. There might be a possibility (admittedly slim) that USTR could be taken out of the White House and constituted as a special agency under the Secretary of State. This would reassert the role of the Department and solve many of the overlapping jurisdictional problems with USTR. Under this scheme Commerce would retain trade enforcement. All agencies would coordinate through cabinet councils and Under Secretary-level SIGs. The TPC would become such a SIG.

The Institutional Option

The institutional option for returning influence to the Department in the formulation of foreign economic policy focuses on the control of [Page 346] the coordinating function rather than control over a major substantive issue such as trade. At present there is no umbrella structure charged with coordinating foreign economic policy. The SIG–IEP handles some issues (mainly finance) while the TPC and the CCCT split the trade portfolio. Occasionally the NSC will deal with economic issues, especially in the area of East/West economic relations (pipeline, energy, credits, debt) or where our strategic/political interests are affected. Treasury does its best to discuss these economic issues in the SIG–IEP before they are discussed in the NSC.

The best solution would have been for the Secretary of State to have chaired the SIG–IEP under the NSC structure. This would have allowed the NSC to be the umbrella body. This option has now passed. There are five cabinet groups charged with foreign economic policy co-ordination: NSC, SIG–IEP, CCEA, TPC, and CCCT. Treasury chairs two of these groups but responsibility for others is spread over the other lead agencies. Coordination between groups takes place through the same cabinet members serving on almost all the groups or through more informal channels.

An attempt by State to pull these groups under the NSC or a new umbrella organ would be poorly received and not worth the political cost. What could be considered is expanding the State/Treasury breakfast to include other key cabinet members from time to time to get a policy consensus on important issues.

The Status Quo Option

Any general reorganization of foreign economic policy in the USG will take time and may not result in a solution satisfactory to State. However, State can work to solidify its lead in bilateral and regional policy and there is much that can be done in State to improve its own organization to deal with economic issues.

1.
Continue to appoint knowledgeable and respected individuals to the key posts of E and EB.
2.
Build effective liaison with Treasury and USTR. (Reactivating the State/Treasury lunches is an excellent start.) Ask that IMG and NAC begin to meet as subgroups of the SIG–IEP so there is more staff preparation of issues.
3.
Carry out well, and don’t give up present bilateral and regional responsibilities, to include debt rescheduling.
4.
Consider reorganizing economics in the Department to reflect our functions.
a.
Establish a Deputy Assistant Secretary for economics in each regional bureau to assure well developed regional policies.
b.
Build support in EB for the economic summit role of E and its East/West economic coordinating function.
c.
Consider moving the OECD function to EB but strengthening the EC function in EUR.
5.
Assure high quality economic officers in the Foreign Service; assure they have a career and assure they work on economics, but understand the broader strategic and political considerations involved with economic issues.

I would like to expand on this last point. State competes against permanent bureaucracies at USTR and Treasury. Economics is a discipline that benefits by consistency and study. Present Departmental rules rotate all officers out of Washington every four years. You cannot build institutional expertise with this type of rotation. The economic career path must be designed to fit the needs of the Department in economics, not some arbitrary personnel management rules.

Second, officers in the economic cone must be allowed good slots abroad, when they go abroad. The system favors the political cone in senior officer positions. Many top economic officers leave the Service because they cannot be placed at the DCM or Ambassadorial level. Certain posts should be designated as economic posts (USEC, USOECD as well as key DCM posts with major trade partners and certain UN posts).

Third, the Economic Bureau should be allowed “stretch assignments” (placing officers in posts designated for individuals of higher rank) to put well qualified younger officers in positions of responsibility. Rank should not be the only consideration—again substantive need over personnel theory.

Fourth, the FSI courses on economics should be continued but with more emphasis on industrial organization, institutional economics and political economy rather than its present emphasis on quantitative methods.

Fifth, a strong research function should be built into EB using a mix of qualified FSO’s, term contracts, and external consulting.

Sixth, efforts should be made to keep and hold a qualified critical mass of economic analysts in the Economic Bureau and in the Policy Planning Staff. A similar potential could be built over time in INR. The four year rule should not apply.

Seventh, the economic sections in specific designated embassies abroad should be strengthened and the economic talent in certain regions pooled (Caribbean, Central America, East Africa, Sahel region, etc.) to improve reporting capabilities. (The splitting off of the Commercial function to the Department of Commerce has reduced the manpower available for economic reporting and our talent training and recruiting base.)

Eighth, there should be a rotation in Washington between the regional bureaus and EB to get more qualified people on country desks.

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Ninth, key country desks in the regional bureaus should have economic slots added. EB cannot follow all the countries that need attention.

Conclusion

The trade option and institutional option are not real alternatives at this time. The Department must concentrate on keeping, and improving on, its regional and bilateral foreign economic policy emphasis while contributing to the debate on broader systemic issues in trade and money and finance. This means rejecting Secretary Regan’s request for the debt rescheduling portfolio and concentrating internally on building up the Department in the economics field.

Recommendations:

That you approve the following two initiatives:

1.
That the responsible officers in the Department respond to the suggestions made in the paragraphs on strengthening State economic capabilities and add any ideas they may have. A report should come back to you under M guidance in two weeks or so.
2.
That you sign the attached letter to Secretary Regan at Attachment 1.6

  1. Source: Department of State, Executive Secretariat S/S, Special Handling Restrictions Memos 1979–1983, Lot 96D262: 1983 ES Sensitive March 16 thru 23. Confidential. A stamped notation reading “GPS” appears on the memorandum, indicating Shultz saw it. An illegible marking and the date “3/21” are written on the top of the memorandum.
  2. A handwritten note at the bottom of the memorandum reads: “Secretary discussed 4/7/83.”
  3. Confidential. Drafted by Meissner on March 18. A stamped notation reading “GPS” appears on the memorandum, indicating Shultz saw it.
  4. The draft letter is attached but not printed.
  5. Exhibit 2 is attached but not printed. Exhibit 1, “U.S. International Economic Programs and Policies, Organization and Process;” Exhibit 3, “The Cabinet Council Line-Up;” and Exhibit 4, “Sources of Power in Washington,” are also attached but not printed.
  6. Shultz did not indicate his approval or disapproval of the recommendations. A line was drawn through the recommendations. At the bottom of the memorandum Eagleburger wrote: “We should talk before you decide anything. LSE.” A line was drawn through this comment.