Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963, Volume XXV, Organization of Foreign Policy; Information Policy; United Nations; Scientific Matters

255. Paper Prepared in the Department of State¹

Washington, undated.

FIRST SESSION OF THE COMMITTEE OF 24 (February 20–May 10, 1963)

On balance the results of the first session of the Committee of 24 were not as unsatisfactory from our viewpoint as we had anticipated. In our opinion, the following factors in combination produced this relatively favorable outcome:

(1) The Afro-Asian members of the Committee seemed to have been genuinely concerned at the possibility the United States might refuse to serve on the Committee if it indulged in extreme and irresponsible conduct;

(2) At least some of the Afro-Asian members had become disillusioned with the fruitless process of passing resolutions that had no chance of implementation;

(3) On certain issues, e.g., South West Africa and Southern Rhodesia, the United States was able to go at least part of the way toward meeting the Afro-Asian position;

(4) Our Representatives at the United Nations, headed by Ambassador Yates, engaged in some very successful lobbying on individual issues;

(5) The Soviet Union, probably engrossed in a basic re-evaluation of its policies following the Cuban debacle, played a relatively more restrained role in the Committee and sounded cold war themes less frequently and less virulently than heretofore;

(6) The African members of the Committee presumably anticipated that a definitive anti-colonialist program would be coordinated and enunciated at the Addis Ababa conference and they therefore did not wish to act prematurely on the big issues of sanctions and expulsions.

It is very likely that the outcomes of the Addis Ababa Conference, particularly of its summit phase beginning on May 23, will determine if and in what manner the colonial items are raised either in the Special Session of the General Assembly or in the Security Council during June when the Presidency is held by Ghana. As in the past, colonial and racial incidents on the African continent would also serve to precipitate these issues rapidly into the forums of the United Nations.

When the Committee of 24 concluded its first session May 10, it had discussed the Portuguese territories, Southern Rhodesia, Aden, South West Africa and Malta. When it reconvenes on June 10, the Committee plans to begin with North Borneo, Brunei, Sarawak, Fiji, and British Guiana, as well as considering, whenever the members so choose, the report of the Sub-Committee on Southern Rhodesia.

The following is a brief summary of the outcome of the Committee’s deliberations on the issues it discussed during its first session:

Portuguese Territories

As reported in our memorandum to you of April 12,² the Committee of 24 adopted by a vote of 19–0–5 (Australia, Denmark, Italy, the United Kingdom and the United States) a resolution condemning Portugal’s attitude and drawing the Security Council’s attention to the situation with a view to the Council’s “taking appropriate measures, including sanctions, . . . to secure compliance by Portugal of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council.” As a result of this resolution, it is quite likely that the issue of the Portuguese territories, including the sanctions question, will face us in the Security Council in June. We are continuing our efforts to induce the Portuguese to adopt a more positive posture on these matters.

Southern Rhodesia

Pursuant to the Committee’s resolution of April 8, its Sub-Committee (Mali, Uruguay, Syria, Tunisia, Sierra Leone and Tanganyika) held discussions in London between April 22 and 24 with R. A. Butler, Duncan Sandys, and Lord Home. The Sub-Committee was generally impressed by the British desire to improve the situation in Southern Rhodesia but was “depressed” that the British would not intervene militarily if the white minority government in Southern Rhodesia declared its independence. The Sub-Committee’s report recommended that the full Committee should consider additional ways and means of dealing with the situation including (a) consideration of Southern Rhodesia at “a special session of the General Assembly”; (b) drawing the Security Council’s attention to the deteriorating situation; (c) requesting the Secretary General to continue to lend his good offices. The United Kingdom has withheld granting Prime Minister Field the independence he has sought for Southern Rhodesia, and we continue to support the British efforts towards early broadening of the franchise.

Aden

On May 3, the Committee adopted a resolution by a vote of 18 in favor and 5 (Australia, Denmark, Italy, UK and US) against (Sierra Leone was absent) which, among other provisions, called for the sending of a Sub-Committee to visit the Aden Territories “to ascertain the views of the population . . . and hold talks with the administering authority.” Australia, Denmark, Italy and the US (with the approval of the UK) had tabled a resolution which demonstrated their support for self-determination and independence and recommended that the people be given an early opportunity freely to decide their future. This resolution, however, was not pressed to a vote following meddlesome attempts by the Soviets to amend it.

On May 10, the Aden Sub-Committee was named (Cambodia as Chairman, Iraq, Madagascar, Venezuela, and Yugoslavia). At that time, the Chairman of the Committee of 24 announced his intention of sending a letter to the UK asking the British Government to reconsider its previously announced decision not to cooperate with the Sub-Committee. We do not believe that this letter will cause the British to change their position, nor do we believe this non-African item has sufficient pressure behind it to reach a larger UN forum before fall. We support the UK position.

South West Africa

Although in Committee debates the US and the UK were subjected to oft-repeated charges that they were “doing nothing” to persuade South Africa to change its policy regarding apartheid and South West Africa, both the US and UK resisted the temptation to describe their parallel confidential diplomatic efforts vis-a-vis the South Africans because public indication at this time might undermine our future efforts to this end. Committee of 24 consideration of this item was characterized by Afro-Asian difficulty in reaching agreement on a draft resolution which would have had the effect of abrogating the mandate and calling on the UN to take over the administration of the territory by force, if necessary. Eventually, with our help, a much more moderate resolution along the lines of previous GA resolutions was tabled, and on May 10 it received the affirmative votes of 23 members of the Committee with only the UK abstaining. It requested the Secretary General to continue his efforts to establish “an effective UN presence” in the territory and drew the Security Council’s attention to the situation there.

Malta

The Committee on May 10 concluded desultory debate on Malta with the unanimous adoption of a very moderate and non-controversial resolution which noted the UK intention “to consider favorably Malta’s request for independence”, and invited the UK to hold a conference with the Maltese to that end. We did not speak in the Committee on the subject of Malta because of the absence of any US policy objectives which would have been served thereby.

1. Source: Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Subjects Series, United Nations (General), 5/63–7/63, Box 311. Confidential. Transmitted under a May 16 covering memorandum from Brubeck to Bundy. Another covering memorandum from Sam Belk of the National Security Council to Bundy, May 17, reads: “The attached memorandum represents, I think, a very good run-down of the activities of the Committee of 24 over an almost three-month period. You and Arthur will know best whether the President should see it. I think he should, but then I find the Committee far more interesting than most.”
2. Not printed. (Ibid.)