72A. Memorandum for the Record Prepared by McCone, December 211
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This memorandum will expand numbered paragraph 5 of Dr. Scoville’s memorandum of December 19,
1961, reporting on the State Department meeting.
(1) Mr. McCone requested
permission of Rusk that he be
permitted to express his views on the question of resumption of nuclear
testing, indicating that in doing so he, McCone, was going beyond his responsibilities as DCI, but desired to make his views known
because he had been associated with the problem longer than any man in
the room, with the exception of Mr. Farley.
(2) Mr. McCone stated that he
felt it was of paramount importance to the United States that we
maintain our nuclear superiority; it was not advisable, in McCone’s opinion, to exchange moral
leadership for proper security forces and in this modern day this meant,
among other things, nuclear superiority. McCone further stated that if we were to lose nuclear
superiority, our loss of prestige throughout the world would be very
great—far greater, in his opinion, than the losses we have suffered
because of our inferior position in space.
(3) McCone then said that it was
very obvious that the Soviets had made a quantum jump in nuclear
technology during the period of the three year moratorium, and that the
analysis of the Soviet tests indicated a weapons sophistication equal to
ours in most areas and superior to ours in some. He pointed out that the
United States had made some advances during the moratorium through
theoretical laboratory work, but the advances were relatively minor, and
this was due to many factors not the least of which was the fact that
the AEC weapon laboratories turned
their attention to the peaceful applications of nuclear energy,
competent scientists drifted into other work, and generally the tempo of
weapon development slackened.
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(4) McCone then stated that if we
did pursue a moratorium policy for another two or three years, we would
be awakened at some future time by a new series of Soviet tests which
they would proceed with under some excuse or other, and that these tests
would evidence a very great advance in weapon technology and a marked
superiority of the Soviets over the United States in this critical
field. McCone
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forecast that
our laboratories would not make such advances as it was simply not in
the American tradition to work hard at things unless there was a stated
purpose for doing so. McCone
made reference to the specific areas of advancement, 58 megaton and 25
megaton devices, the effects test, the improvement in weight yield
ratio, as well as the high nuclear efficiency, all of which were
indicators of the improvements made by the Soviets during the three year
interregnum. McCone stated it
still could not be determined whether clandestine underground testing
conducted during the moratorium had assisted the Soviet laboratories in
making their advances because no scientific means of detection were in
existence during the three year period, or are in existence at the
present time. With respect to pursuing our developments in the
underground, McCone stated that
while such a course was possible, recent shots had indicated greater
difficulty with underground testing than had been expected, and
moreover, he questioned whether we could confine ourselves to such a
slow and costly program with our principal adversary free to test in the
atmosphere.
(5) It is for all these reasons that McCone concluded that we must proceed with atmospheric
testing, accept the political and propaganda consequences, but maintain
nuclear superiority.
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Annex A
SUBJECT
- State Department Meeting on 18 Dec. 1961 to Discuss Position
Paper re Nuclear Testing for Bermuda Meeting.
Listed below are the names of those that were present at the above
meeting:
-
State Department
- Secretary of State Dean
Rusk
- Mr. William C.
Foster, Director ACDA
- Mr. Philip J.
Farley, Special Asst. for Atomic Energy
and Outer Space, Department of State
-
Defense Department
- Hon. Robert S.
McNamara, Secretary of Defense
- Dr. Harold
Brown, Director, DR&E, OSD
- Atomic Energy Commission
- Dr. Glenn A. Seaborg, Chairman
- Brig. Gen. Austin Betts, Director, Div. of Military
Applications
-
White House
- Mr. McGeorge
Bundy, Special Assistant for National
Security
- Dr. Jerome B.
Wiesner, Special Asst. to the President
for Science and Technology
- Mr. Spurgeon
Keeny, Assistant to Dr. Wiesner
-
CIA
- Mr. John A.
McCone, Director
- Dr. Herbert
Scoville, Jr., AD/SI
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Attachment
1. Secretary Rusk opened the
meeting by summarizing his views that the probable British position
would be a reluctance towards the resumption of atmospheric nuclear
tests either by the U.S. or jointly with the British. He felt it was
important that, if possible, the U.S. be in a more positive position
since any waivering might be exploited by the Prime Minister. He
requested a review of the status of the intelligence analysis. The
CIA members presented the
position that there was general agreement [text
not declassified]. It was also generally agreed that while
the analysis was still in a preliminary stage and would continue for
a long time, it was unlikely that such further analysis could change
sufficiently to affect the decision to resume testing.
2. The proposed U.S. program was discussed and all concurred that
some 20–25 tests could be justified. However, it was agreed that,
with the exception of effects tests, no single test was of
overriding security importance but it was the sum total which was
critical.
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It was generally agreed that the UK
was cool to the US requirements although apparently no real attempt
had yet been made to persuade the British. The DCI referred to our views that
Sir William Penney, a key
adviser to the PM in this matter, was unconvinced by the US
arguments, although Dr. Seaborg pointed out that his session with Sir
William just prior to his departure indicated that he probably did
support the resumption. Mr. McNamara felt that the proposed position paper,
which admittedly involved quotes from an agreed joint AEC-DOD study, did not truly set forth the DOD’s strong requirement for
atmospheric testing. It was agreed that the DOD would prepare such a paper so that their position
could be explicit without any dilution by the views of other
agencies. Mr. Bundy indicated
that the DOD papers which he had
seen did not put the case as strongly as Mr. McNamara indicated, in that need
for testing to maintain nuclear superiority was not clearly
enunciated. Dr. Seaborg
stated that he felt that the critical feature was not the present
relative status but the rate of progress of the USSR vs. US in a situation where the
US was inhibited from atmospheric testing while the Soviets could
test at intervals to their liking.
3. Secretary Rusk indicated
that the greatest addition to US nuclear superiority that he had
seen in the last year was our intelligence
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on
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Soviet missile site information
since this type of information did enable us to use our nuclear
forces with very much greater effectiveness. Dr. Wiesner indicated that the
development of a Soviet ABM
capability could be most critical and therefore that the proposed
test series (both tests for improving yield to weight ratios and
effects) were designed to improve the US position in this
connection.
4. Mr. Foster quoted from a
draft paper of his group looking into the public relations aspects
of US test resumption. This statement made a strong case for test
resumption without defending any particular event. He indicated that
Mr. Stevenson and perhaps
others had the view that the US might afford some reduction in
nuclear superiority if, in exchange, the US could assume moral
leadership of the world. Mr. Foster did not agree with this view and indicated
that various Embassies had been quizzed for possible foreign
reactions to the US resumption. While the replies were still
incomplete, the general tenor indicated that we might lose if we did
not resume testing, since many countries
were worried by the apparent loss of the US nuclear superiority as a
result of the Soviet tests. Mr. Foster was worried about any nuclear developments
which might make a major shift in the offensive-defensive
balance.
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5. Mr. McCone stated that he
felt very strongly that it was paramount for the US to maintain
nuclear superiority. The Soviets had already in the past three years
made a quantum jump in weapons development and that a possible
future jump of a similar nature is the most critical problem. US
world leadership was in question, and underground tests by
themselves could never compete in a situation where the Soviets were
free to test in the atmosphere when they pleased. Secretary
Rusk concurred in this
view and was very skeptical that one could substitute moral
leadership for power. Moral leadership could only be had when one
had the power position to back it up. Dr. Wiesner indicated that we must not
only have the power, but we must make it look to the world that we
have this power; therefore, the US tests must be made to look
significant.
6. When questioned as to the firmness of the US position on testing,
Mr. Bundy indicated that the
President was prepared to go ahead with atmospheric testing unless
something drastic happened to change this view between now and the
actual time for the tests. On the other hand, he did not wish to
make such a firm decision now which would inevitably become publicly
known. The President was also troubled by the difficulty of being
able to point to any single test as crucial to the
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national security since
the more generalized requirement was more difficult to defend. Mr.
Farley quoted Mr.
McMillan’s criteria for resuming testing which were quite rigid.
7. During the meeting there was a discussion of the need for the use
of Christmas Island for the US tests. The AEC indicated that this
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could be useful for improving
the quality of information but not at the expense of any loss of
control. The AEC and DOD had prepared a staff paper which
gave the minimum conditions of acceptability for the use of this
site. Mr. McCone indicated
that if Sir William Penney
had been strongly in favor of the testing, then the program might
have proceeded without any restrictions but in view of his present
attitude, it is not certain that this could be guaranteed. Mr.
Bundy summarized the US
position that we would like to use Christmas Island if the UK would participate actively as a
partner in the test series, but that we were not prepared to make
any concessions to obtain this use.
8. State, DOD, and AEC were to prepare a revised position
paper as soon as possible; CIA need
not participate but were to obtain copies for review.
Herbert
Scoville, Jr.
Assistant
Director
Scientific Intelligence