122. Memorandum From the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Economic Affairs (Kalijarvi) to the Secretary of State1

SUBJECT

  • China Trade Controls Problem

The attached paper (Tab A), cleared by EUR, FE, and S/P, has been prepared as a report by you to the NSC regarding (a) the status of talks with the UK and Japan on the China trade control problem [Page 367] and (b) alternative courses of action for resumption of discussions with these countries and other Participating Countries (PC’s). Mr. Hoover, in your absence, asked that the paper be coordinated with the CFEP prior to submission to the NSC.

The alternative courses of action are set forth in paragraphs 7 and 8 of the paper (Tab A).

Recommendation

It is recommended that you approve the attached paper for submission to the NSC after coordination with the CFEP.2

[Tab A]

CHINA TRADE CONTROLS PROBLEM3

Problem

The problem is

a)
to report to the NSC on the status of discussions with the United Kingdom and Japan; and
b)
to request, in view of discussions recently held with the United Kingdom and Japan, additional guidance from the NSC for an early resumption of discussions with those and other Participating Countries (PC’s).

Discussion

1.
At its meeting on April 26 the NSC reviewed the CFEP recommendations on the China trade control problem and agreed that, rather than undertaking at this time formal negotiations through the Consultative Group (CG) for a revision of the China list, the Secretary of State should be authorized to consult bilaterally with the United Kingdom and other PC’s:
a)
To seek, as a matter of high priority, agreement to the embargo of copper wire and the largest practical measure of support for other United States Negotiating Objectives set forth in paragraph 3(b) of the CFEP report.
b)
To the extent required to achieve (a) above, to indicate that the United States would not interpose objections if, subject to possible formal consultations later on, the United Kingdom and other PC’s made exception—where such a course seems to them clearly indicated and important—for items on lists A and B of [Page 368] Annex D to the CFEP report and natural rubber and, in the case of Japan, wooden fishing vessels.
2.

On May 3, the Secretary of State raised this matter with Mr. Lloyd in Paris, advancing the most important and concrete of the Negotiating Objectives, i.e., (a) the necessity for maintaining a substantial differential of control over trade with Communist China; (b) the need to embargo copper wire; (c) the US desire to avoid a CG meeting and the deletion of items from the China embargo list; and (d) the importance of maintaining strict exceptions procedures over the China list items other than those on lists A and B. (The Negotiating Objectives not discussed with Mr. Lloyd are listed in Tab A. These Objectives are generally of the long-run type and regarding which the United States has no immediate specific proposals to make to the other PC’s but may wish to raise in the next few months.)

Mr. Lloyd responded on May 12 stating that the US proposals were not adequate to meet the British point of view; that, while having regard for the US List, they intended to rely upon an extended use of the exceptions procedure to permit reasonable exports of items on the China differential; and that they could not agree to an embargo on copper wire and would explain their views in a further statement. The UK has since informed us that while they will not press for a CG meeting, they would not oppose one if requested by another PC; further, they do not intend proposing to the United States that additional items be added to the US List.

3.
Simultaneously with the UK talks, discussions were begun with the Japanese Embassy wherein the whole range of Negotiating Objectives was discussed. While the Japanese have not replied to all of our proposals, in particular the embargo on copper wire, they have stated that our exceptions list is not sufficient and have suggested the addition of nine items and parts of ten others.
4.
We know that most other CHINCOM PC’s favor ultimate abandonment of the China differential list though not necessarily in a single step. The French have recently initiated conversations with other PC’s concerning their own list of items. Both Germany and Italy have requested our comments on lists for deletion containing items not on the US list. Some of the PC’s resent the fact that we have consulted the British but not them and believe that the United States is deliberately attempting to conceal the results of our review from them or to confront them with a US/UK fait accompli. Unless substantive talks are conducted with the other PC’s as soon as possible, one of them might precipitously call a CG meeting which, under agreed procedures, the United States could hardly boycott. Even if a CG meeting is not called, increased and indiscriminate use [Page 369] of the exceptions procedures seems likely unless the United States takes some initiative in urging restraint.
5.
The UK Parliamentary announcement on May 14 regarding their liberalized exceptions policy4 has evoked adverse Congressional reaction, including a public statement by Senator McClellan and an attempt in the House Foreign Affairs Committee to amend restrictively the Mutual Security Act.
6.
The United States has not been successful in limiting significantly shipments of goods which other PC’s have been making in increasing amounts to Communist China under established exceptions procedures. Although certain PC’s have expressed an appreciation for the US position on China controls and a willingness to show some measure of restraint, nevertheless the fact remains that the United States has little bargaining power in the economic defense field which would prevent PC’s from making a broader scale use of existing exceptions procedures than the United States would like to see. However, the promise by the United States that it will participate eventually in a CG meeting which they would hope might lead to a definitive settlement of the China trade control differences between the US and other PC’s might lead them to exercise some restraint in respect to China trade exceptions in the intervening period.
7.
It is imperative that there be early inter-agency agreement on the nature of our approaches to the other PC’s. The following courses of action might be considered:
(a)
The United States might take no further initiative at this time in discussions with other PC’s on this problem. The other PC’s might tacitly assume that the United States would not wish a CG meeting until after the November elections, but we would have no assurance that one would not be called. Further, each would probably approve shipments as required by commercial pressures. Since there would be no agreed list of items subject to a liberalized exceptions procedure, exceptions might result over the whole range of the China list leading eventually to a complete frustration of the differential.
(b)

The United States might seek to identify through consultation with other PC’s as limited a list of items as possible which after final review and authorization by the NSC would serve as the list of items which could be exported under exceptions procedures without US objection.

Such a list, to have any chance of acceptance by other PC’s, would need to include many items not on the list of 81 previously approved by the NSC. It seems questionable that it would be possible to reach inter-departmental agreement on such a list within a short period. If, in addition, the various Negotiating Objectives [Page 370] were to be sought it is doubtful that negotiations could be successfully concluded given the UK rejection and the fact that PC’s now have virtual freedom to export under exceptions procedures without agreement on a list of items and without acceptance of our Negotiating Objectives.

United States agreement on any list of items for simplified exceptions procedures might prejudice US freedom in a consideration of the China trade problem later in the year.

(c)

The United States might seek an interim agreement that the PC’s

i)
will be discriminating in their use of the exceptions procedures so as to avoid vitiating the central purpose of the multilateral China controls pending definitive discussion of the problem;
ii)
will permit only limited quantities of items to be shipped and these to be judged on a case-by-case basis; and
iii)
will have regard to the contribution which the item may make to the military strength of Communist China in accordance with a strict interpretation of the CHINCOM exceptions procedures.

In return, the United States would agree not to object to exceptions cases which met these standards and would agree to participate in a CG meeting in late November or early December to seek a definitive settlement of differences between the United States and other PC’s on the China trade control problem.

(In fulfilling this commitment the United States as a general rule would refrain from raising objections to Document 782 cases unless there is clear evidence that the above-listed standards are not being met.)

This course may not materially affect the volume of trade which could result in any case under any solution short of a definitive one. It would leave the United States freer to seek an eventual solution than would agreement on a clearly defined list. It would provide a period of experience under which any “copper wire” type of case could be identified before we have agreed to decontrol. This course maintains the framework of multilateral consultation and has the merit of simplicity of negotiation.

8.
Whichever alternative in paragraph 7 is selected, the Negotiating Objectives set forth in paragraph 3(b) of the CFEP report of April 6, 1956 would be sought on their merits as detailed proposals for their fulfillment are formulated in EDAC. With specific reference to copper wire, the objective should be to seek as restrictive a quantitative control as possible since it is now apparent that a copper wire embargo cannot be negotiated successfully in the face of the British position. It is possible that some or all of these Objectives may not be attainable prior to a meeting of the Consultative Group.
[Page 371]

Tab A

U.S. NEGOTIATING OBJECTIVES NOT DISCUSSED WITH MR. LLOYD

1)
With respect to the China differential controls:
b)
To continue to apply effective bunkering and voyage licensing controls to the differential area;
d)
To achieve a clearer and firmer undertaking through COCOM to deny or strictly control to Eastern Europe items which are being obtained by Eastern Europe from the Free World and then diverted to Communist China.
2)
With respect to COCOM controls:
c)
To obtain acceptance of improved controls over the sale, transfer and repair of merchant vessels;
d)
To achieve improved quantitative control (specific proposals would be prepared in advance of the CG meeting);
e)
To seek improvement of reporting procedures and possible establishment of “peril points” or other similar techniques for IL–III items.
3)

With respect to general CG/COCOM/CHINCOM considerations:

a) To work toward a closer coordination of CG and NATO on information related to and on objectives towards the Soviet Bloc.5

  1. Source: Department of State, Central Files, 493.009/6–656. Secret. Drafted by Knoll; concurred in by EUR, FE, and S/P.
  2. Dulles initialed his approval on the source text.
  3. Secret. Drafted by Wright and Knoll; concurred in by ITR, RA, EUR, CA, FE, and S/P.
  4. The Embassy in London reported on the British Parliamentary announcement in telegram 5285, May 15. (Department of State, Central Files, 460.509/5–1556)
  5. On June 6, this paper was forwarded to Dodge, under cover of a memorandum by Kalijarvi, which noted that “it would be appreciated if an early meeting of the Council could be scheduled to discuss the paper.” (Ibid., 493.009/6–656)