Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952–1954, Western Europe and Canada, Volume VI, Part 1

Eisenhower Library, Eisenhower papers, Whitman file

No. 399
Prime Minister Churchill to President Eisenhower

personal and secret

[London, April 11, 1953.]

Thank you so much for your very kind message.¹ I do not seek any share of responsibility in the speeches you make to the United States although they play so vital a part in the fortunes of the world. You may be sure that we shall stand by you on fundamentals. The question of timing did however press upon me. It would be a pity if a sudden frost nipped spring in the bud or if this could be alleged even if there was no real spring. I do not attempt to predict what the Soviet change of attitude and policy and, it seems to me of mood means. It might mean an awful lot. Would it not be well to combine the re-assertions of your and our inflexible resolves with some balancing expression of hope that we have entered upon a new era. A new hope has I feel been created in the unhappy bewildered world. It ought to be possible to proclaim our unflinching determination to resist communist tyranny and aggression and at the same time though separately to declare how glad we should be if we found there was a real change of heart and not let it be said that we had closed the door upon it.

2. Since you kindly invite me to make a few detailed comments I venture to append a few suggestions.

3. I have to make a speech on the 17th and hope to use the theme “We are firm as a rock against aggression but the door is always open to friendship”.

4. About the book. I am delighted that Bedell should vet it for you and I will communicate with him.

5. Anthony’s operation this morning is reported to have been completely successful and was absolutely necessary.

Appendix

Comments Prepared by Prime Minister Churchill

secret

These are my comments:—

1. No reference is made to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization while great stress is laid upon the E.D.C., would it not be well to place E.D.C. within the wider scope of our developing North Atlantic Community?

2. There is also no reference to the problem of China and the Far East generally. Could not this be covered by adding to your paragraph about Korea some words about the need to find a basis for future peace in the whole Far Eastern area?

3. Thirdly we are not sure what is meant about the “reunited part of Korea”. Does it mean South Korea and North Korea less the neutral zone? In considering such a “neutral zone” much would depend upon the width.

4. In your section about armaments the thought behind paragraph 2 is new to me. As you alone produce at least three times the Soviet steel production this would not be likely to suit their fancy.

5. Sub-paragraphs 3 and 4 about the control of atomic energy are, I presume, a continuance of the position which Bernie Baruch’s committee took up in 1946 and on which we have rested ever since and must continue to rest.

6. Finally I am entirely with you on not letting Adenauer down. He seems to me the best German we have found for a long time.²

1. Supra.
2. On Apr. 13 President Eisenhower replied that he agreed with the tenor of Churchill’s comments and would strive in his speech not to “freeze the tender buds of sprouting decency, if indeed they are really coming out.” (Telegram 6773 to London; 611.00/4–1353)