320/10–151

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Assistant Secretary of State for United Nations Affairs (Hickerson)

secret

Subject: Yugoslav Proposals for Forthcoming General Assembly Action

Participants: The Honorable Vladimir Popovic, Yugoslav Ambassador
Dr. Mirko Bruner, First Secretary, Yugoslav Embassy
Mr. John D. Hickerson, Assistant Secretary (UNA)
Mr. Ward P. Allen, EUR
Mr. David H. Popper, UNP

1. Proposed Yugoslav Item on Soviet Bloc Aggressive Policies Against Yugoslavia

I explained to the Ambassador that we had given very careful consideration to the Yugoslav request of our views on the advisability of submitting for the Sixth General Assembly an item on the aggressive [Page 499] policies of the Soviet bloc directed against Yugoslavia. Noting that our comments were solely in the nature of advice, and that the Yugoslav Government must of course make its own decision in the matter, I read to the Ambassador the attached memorandum. The Ambassador expressed his appreciation for the thorough consideration which we had given to the matter and indicated that his government would take our views into account in whatever action it might now take.

[Here follows discussion of other matters.]

John D. Hickerson
[Annex]

Memorandum

1. It would appear desirable for Yugoslavia to bring the threats to its security to the attention of the General Assembly at the Sixth Session, provided

a.
the case presented by Yugoslavia is carefully documented and will convince the Members of the United Nations and world opinion, and
b.
the measures proposed by Yugoslavia in the General Assembly command the general support of the members.

2. Obviously the Yugoslav Government wishes to proceed in the Assembly in such a way as to produce the most striking and effective results. For this purpose it would be important that the Yugoslavs should not press for the hasty adoption of a resolution phrased in drastic condemnatory terms, before it has been possible to persuade the greatest possible number of non-Soviet delegations of the strength and justice of their case. Indeed, it would be in the interest of Yugoslavia to extend the proceedings over a considerable period of time, reaping the utmost advantage in moral pressure upon the Soviet bloc and in propaganda effect.

Accordingly, it might be desirable for the Yugoslavs to present initially a strong case, backed by full evidence, and to seek, not an immediate condemnation of the Soviet bloc, but an expression of the Assembly’s concern with the situation disclosed by Yugoslavia and a sober and unbiased inquiry into the facts. This would involve the establishment by the General Assembly of machinery which would examine the facts carefully and impartially. Yugoslavia would, of course, cooperate in every way to make such an inquiry possible. This would make it easier to obtain subsequent findings by the Assembly that the Cominform States have threatened and are threatening Yugoslavia and would also give much greater weight to these findings.

Perhaps the most important objective of General Assembly action and of the machinery which it would establish should be to enhance [Page 500] the security of Yugoslavia by deterring the Cominform States from aggession against it.

If aggression should occur there would be available to the United Nations and to the judgment of the world impartial and authoritative reports which could be the basis of prompt and effective United Nations action.

The most desirable and most acceptable action by the General Assembly, and one which could command the full and active support of leading delegations, would be a resolution which would:

a.
Note with grave concern the serious charges brought and the evidence adduced by the Government of Yugoslavia against the Governments of the Soviet Union, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Rumania and Bulgaria.
b.
Request the Peace Observation Commission to despatch a subcommittee and/or observers, who, with the consent of the states concerned, should observe on a continuing basis the situation charged by the Yugoslav Government, and to report to the General Assembly as appropriate.

Observers designated by the Peace Observation Commission would be carefully chosen to assure that pro-Cominform personnel are excluded.

The effectiveness of this plan would be far greater if Yugoslavia were to indicate that it is prepared to admit such observers even if the Cominform States do not. If Yugoslavia is reluctant at the outset to declare its willingness to admit observers unconditionally, it can postpone the decision and minimize the political disadvantages by indicating consent conditional on the consent of the other States involved.

4. Other courses of action which would meet the objectives of the Yugoslav Government and might receive the necessary support, depending on the strength of the Yugoslav case, are:

a.
The Assembly, in addition to expressing its grave concern, could appoint a special committee to receive and consider the evidence offered by Yugoslavia and any defensive material which the Cominform States may offer. This Committee could report back to the Assembly when its studies are completed.
b.
One of the main political committees of the Assembly, perhaps by a sub-committee, might consider the case on its merits, on the basis of statements before the Committee and documentary evidence circulated to all the delegations. While this might make possible findings by the Assembly during the Sixth Session, it is less likely to bring about a careful examination of the facts which would satisfy the various governments and world opinion. Also this program would not provide machinery for keeping the case under continued surveillance by the Assembly.
Either of these two courses would be more acceptable if, in addition, the General Assembly were to despatch a sub-commission or observers [Page 501] from the Peace Observation Commission to observe the situation on a continuing basis.

5. The Yugoslav Government should present a new item for the agenda of the Sixth Session, if possible before October 6 when the supplemental list closes. To put the case on the agenda later would, under the Assembly’s Rules, require the Yugoslav Government to satisfy other countries that the case is of “an important and urgent character,” although most of the evidence has been available for many months.

The agenda item might be entitled “Threats and Hostile Acts against Yugoslavia by the Soviet Union and other States”. The explanatory memorandum supporting the inclusion of the item should be brief, factual and as dispassionate as possible. There is no need to prove the case or even to state it in detail in this memorandum.

6. The Yugoslav Government should lay the groundwork for Assembly action in the Sixth Session by discussion with key delegations of the free world. It should be careful to emphasize that its purpose is not merely propaganda but that it is seriously concerned for its security; and that it will present a full case and expect a thorough consideration of this matter which seriously affects the security of Yugoslavia and relations with the Cominform States and, therefore, falls within the jurisdiction of the Assembly under Articles 10, 11 and 14 of the Charter.