Foreign Relations of the United States, 1951, The United Nations; The Western Hemisphere, Volume II

310.2/10–1551

The Chargé in Italy (Thompson) to the Department of State

secret
No. 912

Rome, October 15, 1951.

Ref: Department’s Document IPM D–5a, September 24, 1951, Conversations with Italian Prime Minister, Admission of Italy into the United Nations

Subject: Problem of the Admission of Italy to Membership in the UN or Alternatively, Fuller Participation as a Non-Member

The Embassy has taken note of the statement in the reference document that it is our objective “that Italy be admitted into the United Nations as soon as possible”. However, in the light of the seemingly insurmountable difficulties as set forth in this document, it is apparent that the possibility of the early achievement of our objective is extremely limited. The Embassy would therefore present for the consideration of the Department its views with respect to a possible alternative course of action which might provide for fuller Italian participation in United Nations affairs despite continued exclusion from regular membership.

Under the present circumstances when our Government and most other friendly governments, members of the UN, are disposed to renew their efforts to obtain Italian admission during the forthcoming session of the United Nations General Assembly, it is understandable that the Italian Government should insist on its right to full and equal membership in the Organization. In this situation it is understandable that the Italians are not particularly interested in the consideration of possible formulas for limited participation. However, in the event that all efforts to obtain Italy’s admission at the Paris UNGA should fail, it is the Embassy’s view that we should be prepared to propose alternative arrangements which would provide for the fullest possible Italian participation, within the limits of the Charter, as a non-member.

While it is possible that the Italian Government might of its own accord modify its views respecting limited participation should all efforts for achievement of full membership fail, it is our view that careful consideration should be given to the possibility of our actively urging Italy to accept limited participation despite the misgivings which some Italian officials may have with respect to such an arrangement. It is understandable that due to considerations of national pride Italy is reluctant to accept an inferior position in the UN. It is also understandable that the Government might feel that acceptance of limited participation would lessen the prospects for early admission to full membership. However, in the larger interest of the UN itself, and in the furtherance of the purposes and principles of the Charter, it might be desirable to attempt to persuade Italy to contribute to the work of the Organization to the fullest extent possible regardless of purely national considerations. The Embassy suggests that the Department might desire to give careful consideration to the adoption of such a position as our own policy with respect to the problem.

The “limited participation” which the Embassy has in mind is a projection of the suggestion in Embassy telegram 3012 of January 12, 1951 regarding Italian membership in main committees of the General Assembly as an “interested party”. Through this device, the Italian Government would have a full opportunity to participate in all debates and assist in the formulation of United Nations’ decisions.

It might be expected that the voice of the Italian representative will carry great weight with many of the other delegates, and that on the great majority, if not all, of the problems placed before the UN we could count on strong Italian support for the US position.

On many problems the voice of Italy would be taken as reflecting that of the Vatican which has such great weight in the many Catholic countries, members of the UN.

Since only eight of the sixteen countries of Western Europe are members of the UN, Western Europe is grossly under-represented and the addition of the voice of Italy in the councils of the General Assembly would help to correct this unrealistic situation. It might be expected that Italian participation in debates and Italian support of UN decisions and recommendations would increase the prestige and effectiveness of those recommendations, not only in Italy, but throughout the world.

If the present situation is continued indefinitely and Italy, and other qualified applicants, continue unjustly to be excluded from participation in the Organization, it might be expected that Italy, and others, will come to depend more and more on non-UN organizations for the implementation of their international policies, and that the present feeling of need for membership in the UN will be replaced by a dependence on other organizations to the serious detriment of the prestige and influence of the United Nations itself. It is suggested that even limited participation would do much to hold Italy’s interest in the Organization and loyalty to the purposes and principles of the Charter despite her legal exclusion from regular membership.

If the above arguments are accepted, the Embassy would suggest the following procedure:

1. All possible steps should be taken, within the limits of the Charter (including the widest possible interpretation of Charter requirements—including “stretching” of certain provisions as has been done on numerous occasions when, for example, the Security Council has acted on substantive questions without the affirmative vote of all five of the permanent members despite the provisions of Paragraph 3 of Article 27 e.g. the admission of Israel, action in Korea, etc.) to obtain Italy’s admission to full membership. Thus, even if all such efforts fail, there will be established a clear record of overwhelming support for Italian membership and unquestionably placing of the responsibility for her continued exclusion.

2. The General Assembly might pass a resolution declaring its agreement that Italy is in every way qualified for membership in the Organization and is excluded only by the Soviet veto. The resolution might further express the will of the Assembly that Italy should, despite its technical exclusion from membership, participate to the fullest extent possible in all of the activities of the General Assembly and, as may be determined by such organizations, in all other committees, councils and other subsidiary organizations of the United Nations.

3. The General Assembly might revise its rules of procedure to provide that:

• All applicants for membership in the United Nations whose applications have been supported by two-thirds of the members of the General Assembly, and seven members of the Security Council, but are disqualified for membership in the Organization because of the veto of a permanent member, shall be invited to participate in all of the activities of the General Assembly, including all subsidiary organs thereof. Such participation would be on a basis of full equality with regular members with the sole exception that in Plenary Sessions of the General Assembly such countries’ delegates would participate without a vote.

According to this formula, Italy, and other qualified applicants barred from membership by the Soviet veto, would participate as full members in all committees and other subsidiary organizations of the General Assembly, and would, in accordance with the revised rules of procedure of the General Assembly be entitled to vote in all such subsidiary organizations. It is believed that the adoption of such a rule of procedure is fully within the prerogative of the General Assembly, since, in accordance with Article 21 of the Charter, the Assembly itself has the right to determine its rules of procedure including the participation and voting procedure of its own committees and subsidiary organizations. Thus the only limitation to Italy’s participation in the General Assembly would be in Plenary Sessions of the General Assembly itself, since Paragraph 1 of Article 18, provides that “each member of the General Assembly shall have one vote”. However, there is no reason why an Italian Delegation should not sit in Plenary Sessions and participate fully in all debates (as the Hawaiian and Alaskan Delegates participate in our House of Representatives).

It is realized that this procedure was certainly not envisaged by the drafters of the Charter. However, by the same token, neither was it contemplated that Italy, and other qualified applicants, should be excluded from regular membership of the Organization which was intended to embrace all “peace loving states which accept the obligations contained in the present Charter and, in the judgment of the Organization are able and willing to carry out these obligations”.

Not only out of justice to Italy, and other states qualified for membership but unjustly excluded because of Soviet veto, but also in the interest of strengthening the UN, of furthering the purposes and principles of the Charter, and of achieving our national objectives within the framework of the UN, the Embassy strongly recommends the Department’s careful consideration of the above proposals.

Llewellyn E. Thompson, Jr.