Foreign Relations of the United States, 1950, Korea, Volume VII

795A.00/5–2750: Telegram

The Ambassador in Korea (Muccio) to the Secretary of State

confidential

Seoul, May 27, 1950—3 p. m.

767. Based on personal observation Embassy officers during past ten days all provinces except Cheju, following is situation on eve May 30 general elections:

1. Conduct of election. Election atmosphere generally conceded free. Freer than 1948. With exception those affiliated with National Independence Federation, Korea Independence Party, other lesser groups between left and right (termed “middle-of-roaders” by President and Korean Government) candidates state no official interference encountered, although in some areas (e.g. South Cholla) candidates expressing outspoken criticism government. Candidates everywhere participating “joint lecture meetings” under auspices local election committees with large crowds attending. One provincial governor privately stated received instructions from central government to turn out larger vote than 1948, although reduction by about half in number polling places (as compared 1948) may reduce vote slightly. Candidate withdrawals to date total 27, in scattered districts. Arrests by government total about 15, mostly charge Communist connections but some for violations election law, some apparently for severe criticism of government, and one for financial irregularities. Police some areas making daily spot-check popular opinion for relay to Minister Home Affairs. No Communist disturbances election yet reported, and no observable opposition (as in 1948) to holding elections. Government sources expect some guerrilla disturbances North Cholla Province and along parallel, but KMAG G–2 anticipates only minor incidents. Government obviously regards so-called “middle-of-road” candidates and some unspecified independents (see paragraph 3) as actual or potential Communists, several reports received from moderates of petty harassment, arrest campaign workers, anti-moderate public statements by government officials, detention candidates short periods for investigation, and arrests. Election officials apparently have permitted wholesale disregard of election law provisions against organization participation in campaigns by government-sponsored groups such as Youth Corps and National Society but this probably will have little effect on most local elections since fact that competing candidates same district often members same organization tends to split organizational vote.

2. Report which released to Seoul newspapers May 26 disclosed wholesale roundup of North-South-Korea-Labor-Party directed political committee South Korea. Sung Shi Paek, supreme leader North Korea Labor Party group, arrested May 15, with simultaneous confiscation 14,800 US dollars, Korean currency, weapons, motor vehicle documents showing personnel and leaders organization. 112 persons so far arrested in connection case. Mission of organization said to gather political, economic, other information on ROK affairs and report to Pyongyang; obstruct flow US aid Korea; infiltrate UNCOK and foreign diplomatic establishments for espionage; infiltrate Assembly through running Communists as candidates and financing campaigns “middle-of-roaders” and certain rightists. Report named 10 candidates as targets of organization, of whom one, DNP member Kim Seung Wun, allegedly received 1,850,000 won for campaign in Poyong County, South Chungchong Province. Others not said received funds and it possible they unaware of activities of net. Examples: Cho So Ang, Socialist Party head, running against Chough Pyung Ok, USAMGIK national police director; Wun Sai Hoon, National Independence Federation member, running against Yun Chi Yung, Assembly vice speaker; Chang Keun Sang (arrested), running against Ryang Han Na, South Kyongsang governor’s sister.

Foregoing report of which Embassy had considerable knowledge was released by prosecutors without prior knowledge of OPI director.

3. President Rhee departed May 24 for speaking trip South Korean provinces (Embtel 742, May 23).¹ Speeches generally were impartial, referring to no candidate or group candidates, urged people to vote fairly and wisely. At Chongju, however, President quoted as saying “Communists trying to bring about victory of candidates who are leftist, leftish sympathizers or even critics of government policies no matter how slight.” Continues: “While leftists, middle-of-roaders in conjunction placing only one candidate in district, rightists competing with each other. Patriotic citizens should prevent the former from being returned. If election representatives should attempt carry out motions of nature constitutional amendment in National Assembly, I urge voters not hesitate recall them.” Information available to Embassy from number of sources, Korean and controlled, indicates Communists may in fact be attempting to bring about election of candidates considered subject to their influence, ideologically compatible, etc.

4. Issues. Virtually all candidates promise action (but omit specific remedies) as regards: (a) economic problems, particularly food problem (this issue made critical by coincidence election period and traditional spring hunger period in Korea); (b) problem of 38th parallel; and (c) education, particularly shortage schools in rural districts. Chorus of agreement that ECA aid must be used wisely, and US often praised for demands such as contained Hoffman letter to Prime Minister and aide-mémoire. Candidates with US connections (residence, education, USAMGIK positions, etc.) making point of same. Issues less stressed by campaigners: Abolition voluntary contributions, need for judicial reforms (these particularly mentioned in Cholla provinces, where DNP strong), and need for early implementation of land reform law. No demand for enforcement local elections: Existence enabling legislation unknown in rural areas. While Rhee remains sacrosanct and virtually no mention constitutional amendment proposals or other suggestions alteration in form of government, important to note that criticism of administration implicit in platforms most candidates and these criticisms not publicly countered even by known pro-administration candidates. Also should be noted that issues and individual candidates platforms far less important in determining outcome than candidates family connections, personal reputation, organizational support, and size of electorate in place where candidate born and where he has largest group of relatives.

5. Estimate of probable outcome. In intrenched position Cholla provinces, DNP may generally hold present predominance but will probably suffer setbacks elsewhere. Organized party campaigning generally weak, however but “middle-of-roaders” and unidentified “independents” probably will have increased success over 1948. Despite government harassment of them in effort prevent Communists from being elected, psychological effect government personnel changes, police and local civil officials and actions against Communist candidates may give DNP and administration group strength not held organically and may enable them gain some representation though probably not majority. Consequently, it appears election will not prove a decisive victory for any contesting group, and will be followed by realignments and contests in the Assembly similar to 1948. Probably greater part incumbents seeking reelection will be defeated account popular disappointment nonfulfillment 1948 campaign promises.²

Muccio

1. Not printed.
2. For the report of UNCOK on its observation of the elections, see U.N. document A/1350, pp. 23–25. Of the 210 seats at stake in the National Assembly, only 31 were retained by members of the previous body; of the 210 members, 133 were elected as independents.