794.5/7–2050

Memorandum by the Consultant to the Secretary (Dulles) to the Director of the Policy Planning Staff (Nitze)

top secret

I attach hereto a memorandum in which I have put down a few thoughts with reference to developing military strength in Japan. You may want to consider this from the policy standpoint and with a view to relevant action.

[Page 1247]

I have asked Mr. Allison to consult with Mr. Hamilton as to existing FEC decisions with a view to seeing whether there are any possibilities of developing some military strength consistently therewith.1

[Attachment]

From the standpoint of general war and who wins it, Germany and Japan are of prime importance. If the Soviet Union could augment its present strength by adding the manpower and industrial resources of these two areas, it would have reason to feel that it could sustain a long war and have a good chance of winning it.

It is prudent to assume that there will be increasing Soviet effort to get these two assets. Indeed, the Korean attack may be the beginning of such an effort as regards Japan.

I have not been following closely the German situation. As regards Japan, far distant from us and close to the Soviet Union, the United States would assume an almost impossible burden in attempting its defense without any help from the Japanese themselves.

National rearmament by the Japanese government at this time would encounter serious and understandable objections on the, part of former victims of Japanese aggression and, indeed, from the Japanese themselves. A solution might be found in a combination of (1) recreating a strong federal police force and coastal patrol, and (2) recruiting Japanese individually as part of an international force.

(1)
Today, in Japan, there is a numerically substantial police force (approximately 200,000 after the newly authorized 75,000 increase),2 but it is decentralized to an extreme degree and is not armed (other than pistols) or trained so that in an emergency it could be quickly converted into an armed unit usable for defense against attack. There are only a few unarmed boats for coastal patrol. The transformation of the police into a para-military force and the aiming of the Coast Guard vessels is at present impossible due to standing F.E.C. policy decisions. If these were ended by treaty or otherwise, there could be developed a police force with the potentiality mentioned above as well as a small torpedo boat navy for coast guard and antismuggling purposes [Page 1248] which would also be effective to oppose a landing operation. I understand NA is discussing with the Department of the Army methods of strengthening the police within the framework of existing FEC policies.
(2)
The present possibility of action in the Security Council without Soviet veto may make it possible to establish contingents under Article 43 which could presumably include individual Japanese (even though Japan is not a member of the U.N.) and make these recruits subject to the direction of a command chosen by the Security Council rather than subject to political direction from the Japanese government.

If action were taken along these lines, it presumably should be done quietly and gradually, as any publicly-announced intention to rearm Japan might precipitate Soviet action of a preventive character. At best there would be some risk of this, but subject to further study it would seem that this risk was less than the risk of perpetuating an indefensible position as regards this area which is one of those which may constitute the decisive balance of strength between the communist world and the free world.

  1. In a memorandum of August 8 to Mr. Johnson, Mr. Fisher stated in part that L concurred in the conclusion of George H. Blakeslee, political adviser to the Far Eastern Commission, that the phrase “other small arms” in FEC–017/23 authorized SCAP to allow Japanese civil police to use submachine guns and tear gas in addition to rifles and pistols. (794.5/8–850) (FEC–017/23 is identical to FEC–017/20, cited in footnote 4, p. 1244.)

    However, for L’s general answer to the question raised here by Mr. Dulles, see footnote 1 to Mr. Allison’s memorandum of December 2 to Mr. Dulles, p. 1355.

    For L’s opinion on the question of allowable armament for the Japanese Coast guard, another matter repeatedly discussed in the Department during 1950, see footnote 2 to Mr. Allison’s memorandum of December 7 to Mr. Dulles, p. 1358.

  2. See the attachments to Mr. Allison’s memorandum of a conversation held July 24, p. 1251.