Marshall Mission Files, Lot 54–D270
Memorandum by General Chou En-lai to General Marshall 57
Dear General Marshall: Since the fruitless June armistice, the Committee of Three has been in adjournment up to this moment. At the time when you declared the adjournment, it was presumed that some other means would be sought in order to break the deadlock and bring about the cessation of hostilities. Nevertheless, the Government, taking advantage of this opportunity, played a delaying tactic towards the negotiation and plunged itself headlong into a large-scale civil war. The meeting of the Committee of Five in early July, the entering of Dr. J. L. Stuart into mediation since mid July, the joint statement of yours and Dr. J. L. Stuart’s as of 10 August, and Dr. Stuart’s proposition advanced about a month ago for an Informal Group of Five, were all exploited by the Government authorities for dovetailing the talks into the fighting with the view to camouflaging the large-scale war which they had waged. Being solicitous for peace the Chinese Communist Party did not hesitate to recede further ground, and eventually acceded to the proposition of taking up the issue of government reorganization first in the hope of winning a guarantee for cease-firing. However, the Government authorities countered with dilatory tactics. Instead of giving an assurance for cease-firing, they went so far as to declare that the Chinese Communist Party must designate its representatives for the National Assembly before the promulgation of the order for the cessation of hostilities. At the same time, they intimated that the reorganization of the Executive Yuan would not be undertaken prior to the convening of the National Assembly, and that they had in mind continuing in governmental military occupation of the places recently occupied in Jehol, etc. As the matter now stands, the Kuomintang Government not only has no intention of cease-firing and is designing to realize its 5-point demand through continued military drive towards the areas covered by this demand, but also has thrown overboard one by one the procedures prescribed by the PCC resolutions. The foregoing moves [Page 190] best bear out that the Government authorities did violate the Cease Fire Agreement and overthrew the PCC resolutions, the most striking evidence being the grave fact that a nation-wide civil war is there and is still going on.
From 13 January when the Cease Fire Order came into effect till August, the Government forces in violation of that order have moved as many as 180 divisions (or reorganized brigades), threw 206 regular army divisions (or reorganized brigades) with a strength of 1,740,000 men, i. e. 85 percent of its total strength which is 256 divisions (or reorganized brigades) or about 2,060,000 men, into the offensive against the Communist Liberated Area; they made 6,000-odd major and minor assaults, conducted over 300 bombing and strafing raids, and had seized and were continuing in occupation by 7 September of 76 cities thus seized. As a matter of fact, the Nationalist troops are everywhere on the offensive, no matter in Manchuria, North China, Central China or South China. Chengteh city has already fallen. Cities like Kalgan, Hwaiyin and Harbin are being made the immediate objectives of the Nationalist drive. Following the seizure of Chinchow–Chengteh Railroad, the fightings along the Chinese Changchun, Peiping–Kupei–kow, Peiping–Suiyuan, Tungpu, Taiyuan–Shihchiachwang, Tsingtao–Tsinan, Lunghai, Tientsin–Pukow, and Peiping–Hankow Railroads also became intensified.
Notwithstanding the Kuomintang Government declares that its field forces have been reorganized, the strength of a present-day division in fact surpasses the actual strength of a former army. Now the Government is turning the demobilization back into a new mobilization. As a result of which, over 60 divisional districts originally established for conscription have been restored. This in fact is tantamount to an increase of more than 60 divisions. Furthermore, in order to meet the war requirement, the Government authorities incorporated large number of puppets and as in the case of Shantung and Shansi even Japanese war prisoners into the Nationalist army, the latter being recruited under false names.
Up to the present moment, not only the January Cease Fire Agreement has been thoroughly destroyed, but also the war situation has become graver than prior to the signing of that agreement, and from the viewpoint of its scale, it is unparalleled in the twenty years’ history of the Chinese civil strife.
On the other hand, the vast assistance received by the Kuomintang Government from the United States for prosecuting the civil war is also unequalled in Chinese History. Since the V–J Day, the quantity of supplies which the Kuomintang Government has received under U. S. Lend-lease Bill, even according to official announcement of the U. S. Government, is equal to the amount delivered during wartime, [Page 191] both being over U. S. $600,000,000 worth. The actual amount presumably would be still more. Whereas during the anti-Japanese war, the American-equipped Chinese divisions had only been used in the India-Burma campaign and later on once in western Hunan; now nearly all of them are thrown into the offensive against the Communist Liberated Areas. Furthermore, the United States Forces also helped to move these troops by air and sea. As this was found still insufficient, the United States Forces further helped the Government by guarding the railroads, cities, towns as well as seaports and by joining its military operations. On the top of that, during the June armistice, the U. S. Government brought before the Congress a bill of 10-year extension of the lend-lease to China, which could serve no other purpose than to bolster up the war spirit of the Kuomintang Government. Later on, the U. S. Government turned over U. S. $825,000,000 worth of surplus properties including naval vessels and other equipment to the Kuomintang Government. It might well be questioned as to what an embarrassed position the large-scale assistance and armed intervention on part of the United States Government have placed you and Dr. J. L. Stuart as its envoys plenipotentiary and mediators into. You, in particular as the Chairman of the Committee of Three which is directing the Executive Headquarters, can well be imagined to be on the worst spot. Unless the U. S. Government has no intention to let its envoys plenipotentiary act as true mediators, and would rather leave them open to public criticism, it should weigh the necessity to change its erroneous policy of assisting the prosecution of the civil war by the Kuomintang, withdraw the American Forces in China, freeze the transfer of the surpluses and withhold all aids, so that you and Dr. J. L. Stuart will be in a position to exercise their fair and equitable mediation. Only under such conditions, peace in China will become highly hopeful, and the Sino-American cooperation will receive high benefit under its influence. It is my sincere hope that you would deeply think the matter over.
Since the June armistice, all intricate ways to solve the issue have proved futile and non-instrumental in breaking the deadlock. Instead they were merely exploited by the bellicose elements to gain time, to befog the public opinion, to enlarge the civil war, and to imperil the people. In view of this, I, as the official representative of the Chinese Communist Party with full authority, wish to advance to you, the Chairman of the Committee of Three, a straightforward proposition for the settlement of the issue, i. e. you would immediately convene a meeting of the Committee to discuss the question of cease-firing.
An immediate termination of the civil strife in China is the aspiration of the people throughout China as well as the call in the world. President Harry Truman’s statement and the Moscow Communiqué of [Page 192] the three Foreign Ministers of last December all pointed towards this end. On this basis you were entrusted with the present mission. And on the invitation of both the Kuomintang and the Communist Parties you took up the role as mediator in the negotiation and became the Chairman of the Committee of Three. And it was on the basis of the Cease Fire Agreement between the two parties that the Peiping Executive Headquarters and the Changchung Advanced Section were established and field teams formed. Now that the situation has become so much worsened, the only hope lies in returning to this sole legal ceasefire agency for seeking a truce arrangement and a direct and simple solution. You as the Chairman of the Committee of Three are hereby requested to transmit our view to the Government and to arrange for the meeting of the Committee at the earliest possible moment in order to discuss the issue.
Your reply is eagerly awaited.
- Copy transmitted by General Marshall on September 18 to General Yu Ta-wei.↩