123 P 54/531: Telegram
The Secretary of State to the Ambassador in the United Kingdom (Winant)
5839. Your 6173 and 6178, November 4.62 For William Phillips. The President and I are gratified that you can accept appointment as Personal Representative of the President near the Government of India. A telegram concerning your appointment and authorizing the purchase of transportation will be sent the Embassy in the very near future.
Before leaving London you may cautiously and with open mind discuss the Indian situation with appropriate British officials. You are aware of the unsettled and difficult relationship between Great Britain and India, especially as it relates to the question of independence [Page 747] for India. The President and I and the entire Government, earnestly favor freedom for all dependent peoples at the earliest date practicable. Our course in dealing with the Philippine situation in this respect, as in all other important respects, offers, I think, a perfect example of how a nation should treat a colony or a dependency in cooperating with it in all essential respects calculated to assist it in making all necessary preparation for freedom. The President and I in public utterances have elaborated on this record of ours toward the Philippines and offer it as a strong example to all other countries and their dependencies. You, of course, fully understand all phases.
In brief, I think the records of the President and myself, as well as the record of our Government, show that we have at all times been thoroughly diligent in our support of the cause of independence and in the encouragement of peoples to prepare themselves for independence, and for its bestowal in each instance at the earliest practicable date.
In the light of the foregoing, I think it can be truthfully said that with respect to the British-Indian relationship, the President and I have given constant attention to the most difficult question, that is the freedom of India, and we have observed all developments from week to week and endeavored to give the fullest attention feasible to the situation. The President and I have not become partisans of either Great Britain or India in the existing exigencies. To do this would seriously handicap us in dealing with the other side. Our officials have sought to consort freely and in a thoroughly friendly way with both the British and Indian people, and especially their leaders, without making ourselves partisans in our acts and utterances to the extent that there would probably be generated friction and ill feeling between us and the outstanding leaders of one country or the other. Therefore, we cannot bring pressure, which might reasonably be regarded as objectionable, to bear on the British. We can in a friendly spirit talk bluntly and earnestly to appropriate British officials so long as they understand that it is our purpose to treat them in a thoroughly friendly way. A settlement arising from such friendly and nonpartisan conversations with both sides or with either side, would probably be most practicable as well as most desirable. On the other hand, objectionable pressure upon either side would probably result in no progress but only in exasperation and, in the case of the British, a possible disturbance of the unity of command and of cooperation both during and following the war. The terrific complexities of the Indian situation are difficult to analyze and understand. With your great experience and fine common sense you will well understand how to preserve thoroughly agreeable relations with both countries and how to say or do anything, in a tactful way, that might encourage both sides or either side, in the way of a practical settlement. [Page 748] It, of course, will not be any part of your function to carry such informal discussions to the point where it might be charged by the opposite side that you and this Government were attempting to intervene and on our own initiative to put up proposals and plans for them to accept. This, of course, would arouse hostility at once on the part of the disappointed party, whichever one that might be. We have an added interest in the settlement of this matter by reason of its relation to the war. This fact would give us a probable opportunity to speak more freely and more earnestly than we otherwise could, so long as we make clear that we are not undertaking to speak in any spirit save that of genuine friendship and of the fullest cooperation both during and following the war. This renders it necessary, for example, that we should not take any steps affecting India, as already stated, without maintaining close contact and friendly collaboration with the British. We will, however, tactfully listen to both sides and endeavor to see both viewpoints as fully and clearly as possible, always keeping in mind our general course and attitude toward freedom for dependent peoples, as illustrated by our attitude in cooperating with the Philippines for the purpose of their freedom.
It may be mentioned that in informal conversations with officials of the Department, the British here have intimated that our professed interest in protecting the integrity of the French Empire is at variance with our attitude toward the British Empire. Our view on this is that the positions of the French Empire and British Empire are in no way similar and hence the question does not arise.
A memorandum prepared by me for the President63 suggesting an implementation of those clauses of the Atlantic Charter dealing with dependent peoples is being forwarded to you in London by air pouch. The President has not yet had an opportunity to approve this memorandum but I shall let you know if and when he does so.