740.0011 P. W./420
Memorandum by Mr. Cecil W. Gray, Assistant to the Secretary of State
In a telephone conversation with Acting Secretary Welles at 12:30 p.m. on July 23, there was considerable discussion about the Far Eastern situation. The Secretary spoke of the latest venture of Japan toward acquiring bases in Indochina in the face of the fact that Japan was not threatened by any nation on the globe. This southward movement, he said, stemmed from a policy of force and conquest. He referred to the friendship of Darlan51 and Hitler and of the elements in the French Government who were in favor of turning all France over to Hitler.
The Secretary said that, of course, our own Government would do its utmost to carry out any understanding that might be arrived at with Japan, and that Japan was not in danger in the South Sea area. Hence that country must be bent on conquest, in which case some future Japanese Government would take the final steps toward domination of that entire region.
There followed an exchange of views as to what Mr. Welles should say to the Japanese Ambassador later in the afternoon when he kept an appointment with Mr. Welles.52
The Secretary’s general idea was that if the Japanese Ambassador attempted to explain away the Indochina move by saying that it had been brought about by peaceful means, then such “peaceful means” were completely contrary to the spirit of the discussions between the United States and Japanese Governments looking toward a friendly [Page 340] settlement in the Pacific. The United States Government, Mr. Hull said, could only be driven to the conclusion that our discussions for a friendly settlement had been wiped out by the Indochina development. The Secretary said that if we waited until he came home to tell Ambassador Nomura the foregoing, then it would come too late as a warning to Japan. We must let them see the seriousness of the step they have taken and let them know that such constitutes an unfriendly act because it helps Hitler to conquer Britain. The Secretary said that if we did not tell the Ambassador all this, he would not sit down with Admiral Nomura when he came back to Washington. It would be a farce to do so.
There followed quite a bit of discussion about counter measures on the part of the United States, with Mr. Welles explaining what the British proposed to do, what our Army and Navy boards favored, what the President favored, et cetera, and, as I understood it, the Secretary left the decision on these questions to the judgment of those on the ground.
Secretary Hull then came back to the subject of Mr. Welles’ forthcoming talk with Admiral Nomura, and he said that Mr. Welles might begin the conversation by speaking to Admiral Nomura concerning a readjustment of the United States position vis-à-vis Japan somewhat as follows: There is a profound belief everywhere, in view of many reports from many sources, that the Japanese movement into Indochina has two probable purposes, or at least two possibilities this Government cannot ignore: (1) if this Government is to be safe, it is bound to assume that this act constitutes definite notice of the launching of a policy of force and conquest on the part of the Japanese Government; (2) this Government, in the interest of its own safety and in the light of all Japanese utterances and acts, must assume that by its actions and preparations Japan may be taking one more vital and next to the final step in occupying all the South Sea area. Such a statement to the Ambassador would lay the basis for our own future acts and would let the Japanese understand fully our position.
It was agreed between the Secretary and Mr. Welles that there was no use to pursue our discussions for a friendly settlement with the Japanese unless the Japanese policies are to coincide with their professions. We could get any kind of an agreement from the British and other governments looking to the safeguarding of Japanese legitimate interests so that there is no real basis for Japanese claims of being threatened or in danger.
It was agreed between the Secretary and Mr. Welles that something must be said to the press along the lines of the foregoing paragraphs.54 [Page 341] This would be for the purpose of making a record about the real significance of the Japanese movement and likewise to acquaint the public with the fact that we knew what was going on. Mr. Welles then read to the Secretary a draft of a statement prepared by the Far Eastern Division. The Secretary made specific comment as follows: make clear the fact that the occupation of Indochina by Japan possibly means one further important step to seizing control of the South Sea area, including trade routes of supreme importance to the United States controlling such products as rubber, tin and other commodities. This was of vital concern to the United States. The Secretary said that if we did not bring out this point our people will not understand the significance of this movement into Indochina. The Secretary mentioned another point to be stressed: there is no theory on which Indochina could be flooded with armed forces, aircraft, et cetera, for the defense of Japan. The only alternative is that this venture into Indochina has a close relation to the South Sea area and its value for offense against that area.
The Secretary closed by suggesting that Mr. Welles make clear to Admiral Nomura that we are ready and desirous of going forward with our discussions should circumstances permit, and that if an agreement were reached between our two countries, it would safeguard Japan far more securely than taking over Indochina. He said for Mr. Welles to ask the Ambassador to send this to his Government.
- Adm. François Darlan, French Minister for Foreign Affairs and Vice President of the Council of Ministers (Vice Premier).↩
- See memorandum by the Acting Secretary of State, July 23, 1941, Foreign Relations, Japan, 1931–1941, vol. ii, p. 522.↩
- For press release issued by the Department of State on July 24, 1941, see Foreign Relations, Japan, 1931–1941, vol. ii, p. 315.↩