793.94/15483
Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek to President Roosevelt 58
My Dear President Roosevelt: I wish to thank you, first of all, for your kind letter of April 1859 replying to my message of March 25, and to express my deep appreciation for your approval of certain remarks which I had occasion to make in the interests of international order and justice.
I am now sending Dr. W. W. Yen, who served for several years as China’s diplomatic representative in the United States, to Washington to see you and, on my behalf, exchange views with you concerning the general situation in the Far East. I have also asked him to bring you this letter in which, with your permission, I am going to set forth my points of view for your consideration.
The main points of my thought relate to the following: first, the upholding of the principles of the Nine Power Treaty:60 second, China’s need of material assistance: and third, the European situation in relation to the Far East.
[Page 688]Regarding the first point, it is quite clear that Japan has in no way changed her untenable attitude toward international treaties. She is not more inclined now than at the time of the Brussels Conference61 to show any respect to the Nine Power Treaty which she freely signed. What Japan fears, however, is strong insistence backed by effective weapons upon the observance of treaty rights and obligations which she considers herself able to ignore with impunity, as long as the parties concerned only voice their dissatisfaction by words. She has even been encouraged to believe that violations of treaties might become faits accomplis which would eventually obtain recognition by the Powers.
In your speech delivered before Congress on January 4,62 you spoke of the “many methods, short of war, but stronger and more effective than mere words, of bringing home to aggressor governments the aggregate sentiment of our people”. I am sure that all such methods must have been thought out and carefully examined by you and your Government. I venture to think, however, that there are certain measures which may be found particularly efficacious and which may therefore hasten the termination of the present conflict.
Now, the weapons at the disposal of the United States which will prove effective necessarily include the absolute prohibition of the exportation of materials arid implements of war to Japan, especially iron and petrol, the prohibition of the importation of staple Japanese products, the increase of tariff rates on those products as has been done in the case of German imports, the closing of certain ports to Japanese ships, and other measures of a similar nature. There are, of course, stronger and more effective weapons. But these economic reprisals which are fully justified in international law and, I believe, also permissible under American domestic law, will be sufficient to bring home to Japanese militarists the weight of public opinion of the United States which they cannot afford to ignore.
These measures, which will have the effect of weakening Japan’s sinews of war and her general economic conditions, will inevitably compel her to take the only safe course left her by agreeing to solve all problems concerning China and other interested Powers at the council table. It will then be possible for the United States, by virtue of the Nine Power Treaty or her well recognized position as a peace-promoting State, to call a conference at which the participating Powers may be able to seek, by processes of free negotiation, a settlement based on reason and justice. Measures of reprisal are thus only the means to an end—an end desired by all peace-loving nations and bound to be accepted even by aggressor nations.
The termination of the conflict by conference may perhaps be [Page 689] brought about in another way. The Government of the United States may first invite the Powers chiefly concerned to a conference at Washington or elsewhere and, in the event of Japan declining to participate, would be the more justified in applying to a recalcitrant country the measures outlined above. The enforcement of such measures even for a brief space of time will surely bring Japan back to her senses and ultimately make her accept the conference proposal. Thus, the principles of the Nine Power Treaty may be upheld.
The second point of my thought relates to China’s need of material assistance. After about two years’ hard struggle for national existence, China, I believe, is now in a much better position than at any time during that period. The morale of our people as well as our army is excellent: the whole nation is more firmly united than ever: and the strength of our armed forces, in consequence of their recent reorganization and intensive training, is much greater than ever before. I state these facts because I know that, as the most trustworthy friend of China, you are deeply concerned with the outcome of our struggle.
I do not mean to say, however, that we are without serious handicaps. Owing to financial and transportation difficulties, our army is not yet adequately equipped as it should be. Furthermore, in the event of a European war, new difficulties are bound to arise in the matter of transportation, and any material aid which friendly nations may then be willing to accord to China, will certainly meet with more obstacles in reaching its destination.
Having enjoyed the benefit of America’s moral support and financial help in the form of commercial credits, China looks forward with great earnestness to further timely material assistance from the American Government and financiers. Substantial amounts granted at this juncture would be of inestimable value to us in view of Japan’s attempt to undermine our currency and economic fabric.
China is traditionally a peace-loving country. Relentless and ceaseless pressure of Japanese aggression in China has forced us to take up arms to resist, for we realize that as long as Japanese aggression persists, no peace consonant with justice and in conformity with the principles of the Nine Power Treaty can be attained. Unless and until such a peace is secured, China is determined to fight on and will never yield or surrender. If material assistance to China by friendly nations can be assured, there will not be the slightest doubt that she can and will curb the ambition of the Japanese militarists. In this way, China will be enabled not only to protect her own territorial and political integrity, and the rights and interests of the Western Powers in China, but also to contribute a large share to the maintenance of international peace and order.
The third point of my thought concerns the European situation in [Page 690] relation to the present conflict in the Far East. The present situation in Europe seems to be very discouraging. Should war break out, involving all the great democratic Powers in Europe, it is a certainty that Japan would employ all means of coercion and intimidation vis-à-vis Great Britain and France in order to bring about a change of the attitude they have hitherto assumed toward the Sino-Japanese conflict.
In such an eventuality, the attitude and action which the American Government may take, will prove to be the decisive factor in the shaping of future events in the Pacific. The recent transfer of the American fleet to the Pacific demonstrates your great statesmanship and proves that you are fully aware of, and prepared to assume, the responsibilities which will fall upon your great country in the Pacific region when war breaks out in Europe. In that event, I sincerely hope that your country will exercise its best influence on the democratic Powers in Europe so that they may not come to any understanding with the aggressor nations in the Far East, which would be contrary to the spirit of the Nine Power Treaty, detrimental to the rights and interests of China and prejudicial to the successful prosecution of China’s war of resistance.
The calling of a conference to settle the present bloody conflict, the enforcement of measures of reprisal against a treaty-breaking Power as a means to an end, the rendering of further assistance to a nation that is fighting for the maintenance of law and order among nations as well as for its own existence, the assuming of more responsibilities in the Pacific region in case of war in Europe, and any other possible methods, short of war, for securing peace are consistent, I suppose, with the laws of the United States and the current opinion of the American people, and may also, I venture to hope, be considered within the bounds of practicability.
I have no doubt that you have been giving serious consideration to the various aspects of these measures. What I feel inclined particularly to emphasize is the importance of the time factor. We have already fought for two years a war of resistance which, on account of Japan’s increasing pressure, political, economic as well as military, is now entering its most critical stage. I therefore cannot refrain from expressing the fervent hope that your Government will take some positive action in dealing with the aggressor and giving further assistance to the defender before the end of the present year. I trust that other signatories of the Nine Power Treaty will not fail to follow your lead.
The attitude and action of the United States, with all her prestige, strength and resources, constitute a factor which Japan, however defiant and desperate she may be, must reckon with. The United States is at present the only country which Japan yet respects and to [Page 691] whose admonitions she cannot refuse to listen. You therefore hold the key to the solution of all Far Eastern problems, and consequently other problems of the world.
Knowing that you are endeavouring to achieve the same end as we are now fighting for, namely, the upholding of the sanctity of treaties and the maintenance of international peace and order, and confidently believing that your great country is China’s real friend in time of crisis, I take the liberty of writing you this confidential letter, setting forth unreservedly for your kind consideration my personal views which, I am sure, represent the unanimous sentiment of the Chinese people. Any views which you may express to Dr. Yen in his capacity as my personal representative will be deeply appreciated and will receive my closest attention.
Very sincerely yours,
- Copy handed by the Chinese Ambassador to the Adviser on Political Relations on October 14; original delivered to President Roosevelt by Dr. W. W. Yen on November 3.↩
- See letter dated April 8, p. 663.↩
- Signed at Washington, February 6, 1922, Foreign Relations, 1922, vol. i, p. 276.↩
- See Foreign Relations, 1937, vol. iv, pp. 155 ff.↩
- Congressional Record, vol. 84, pt. 1, p. 74.↩