Foreign Relations of the United States Diplomatic Papers, 1939, The Far East, Volume III

793.94/14877

Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek to President Roosevelt ⁹

Chungking, March 25, 1939.

Dear President Roosevelt: In the middle of last December I asked your Ambassador Mr. Nelson T. Johnson, who was returning to Washington on leave, to bring to you a short letter of mine¹⁰ and to present to you my views concerning the Far Eastern situation.¹¹ During the three and half months which have since elapsed, I have been much impressed by the increasing interest and growing concern with which the Government of the United States has followed the developments in this country. At the same time there have been taking place in other parts of the world momentous events which together with Japanese aggression in China have brought about a noticeable change of public opinion in the United States and which have thus given a powerful impetus to the policy you have been pursuing in the interests of liberty and democracy.

The United States was the first country which rejected, in an official communication, Japan’s preposterous claim to establish the so-called “New Order” in East Asia. The American Government rightly pointed out that many of the changes in this part of the world had been brought about by the action of Japan herself. It is most reassuring to hear the American declaration that no Power has the right to constitute itself the repository of authority and the agent of destiny in regard to the areas not under its sovereignty.¹² Emphatic re-enunciation by the United States of the principle of inviolability of treaties and rights and obligations which rest upon treaty provisions served indeed as a serious warning to the aggressor, I am pleased to note that the pronouncements thus clearly and opportunely made by the Government of the United States have brought forth representations of a similar nature to Japan from the Governments equally concerned.

I have been following with immense interest and pleasure your public utterances in which you so often and so consistently denounced acts of aggression and advocated defence of democracy and international good faith. I was especially moved by your eloquent speech made early in January before the Congress¹³ in which you said that at the very least the United States could and should avoid any action or any lack of action which would encourage, assist or upbuild the aggressor. As was truthfully pointed out by you, certain laws originally designed to meet certain state of affairs existent between two states may, contrary to the wishes of their framer, operate unevenly and unfairly and may actually give aid to the aggressor and deny it to the victim of aggression. I trust that at your initiative and under your guidance, efforts will be made to distinguish between the party who attacked and the party who defended and thus remove the possibility of unintentionally giving advantageous treatment to the aggressor.

I am happy to recall that the discussions between American financiers and Chinese representatives which, as you assured me in November of last year,¹⁴ were receiving your most careful and sympathetic consideration, resulted in the conclusion on February 8, 1939, of an agreement extending to the Universal Trading Corporation commercial credits to the total amount of twenty-five million dollars. Such financial help coming as it does at a time when Japan is mapping out her plan of subjecting China to her economic domination after military conquest has morally produced the most favorable effect everywhere, besides great material benefit accruing to China. It has increased the courage and confidence of our people, it has caused other countries to give us similar aid, and, what is more, it has brought home to Japan the plain fact that the United States will never abandon China as a co-member of the family of nations. I take this opportunity to acknowledge the debt of gratitude we owe to you and to the American people in this hour of China’s national crisis.

International lawlessness is no longer confined to East Asia. Unchecked and uncombatted, it has spread like a contagious disease which is devouring its victims with apparent impunity. One act of aggression encourages and breeds another. Successful overthrow of law and order in one part of the world inevitably leads to an attempt of a similar coup in another. Had Japan been effectively checked by the concerted action of the Powers during her invasion of Manchuria in 1931, subsequent events not only in China, but in other parts of the world would have taken a different course, and humanity would not have to live as it does now so much in fear, agony and despair.

Japan’s continued military aggression in China, coupled with the developments in Europe pregnant with the immediate danger of a world catastrophe, seems to have provided a new background for the trend of thought of a great number of American people with the result that you will be able to proceed with greater effect and success. All peace-loving nations are now fervently praying that the United States may play a leading role in re-establishing international peace and order and saving world civilization from total destruction. And it is the fondest wish of China that the United States in undertaking this task will commence by bringing Japan to an early and full realization of the wisdom and necessity of abandoning her adventure in China; for when skies in the Far East are clear, dark clouds that are now hovering over Europe will also disappear. Thus whether international relations will yet return to normal or are doomed to be permanently characterized by brute force chiefly depends upon the noble efforts of the United States and of you, its great and able leader.

Chiang Kai-shek

9. Handed to the Secretary of State by the Chinese Ambassador and transmitted to President Roosevelt on March 29.
10. Dated December 11, 1938, not printed.
11. The conversation between Mr. Johnson and President Roosevelt took place January 22.
12. See telegram No. 59, April 28, 1934, 7 p.m., to the Ambassador in Japan, Foreign Relations, Japan, 1931–1941, Vol. i, p. 231.
13. Message of January 4, Congressional Record, Vol. 84, pt. 1, p. 74.
14. Letter of November 10, 1938, Foreign Relations, 1938, Vol. iii, p. 376.