861.01/232a: Telegram

The Secretary of State to the High Commissioner at Constantinople (Bristol)

48. For McCully.

This Government would be very much interested to receive a fairly explicit and comprehensive statement by General Wrangel of [Page 613] his policy and aims. The following questions suggest the character of the information desired:

1.
Is the United States correct in its understanding, based on its present information, that General Wrangel’s exclusive aim is the restoration of Russia on the basis of a free expression of the will of the people; that he is pledged to the creation of a Constituent Assembly, to be elected by equal and direct popular suffrage?
2.
Does General Wrangel specifically disavow any intention to impose upon Russia an unrepresentative government, ignoring the sanctions of popular acceptance and assent?
3.
Is this Government correct in interpreting recent declarations of General Wrangel to mean that, realizing the mistakes made by Koichak and Denikine, and profiting from their experience, he does not regard the establishment of law and freedom in Russia as primarily a military task; that he places first and foremost the organization of production and the satisfaction of the needs of the peasants, who constitute the great majority of the Russian people; that with this object in view General Wrangel is organizing and training an army, not for an extensive war against Bolshevism along the lines attempted by Koichak and Denikine, but to protect against attack the nucleus of national regeneration; that, in short, his attempt is to create a centre of political and economic order and constructive effort, around which Russian groups and territories may gather freely and of their own desire?
4.
Our information is that General Wrangel is introducing behind his lines local self-government, by means of popularly elected Zemstvos and other democratic agencies, and that, in particular, he is seeking to solve the land problem in an orderly manner by consolidating and validating the ownership of the lands by the peasants. Is this information correct?
5.
Is there a considerable number of refugees now dependent upon General Wrangel’s protection against the Bolsheviki? Approximately how many such refugees are there, and to what classes and groups do they in general belong?
6.
Is the United States justified in concluding that General Wrangel, although believing his movement to be the present centre of Russia’s efforts at self-restoration and the recovery of Unity and national life, does not at the moment profess or claim to be the head of an All-Russian Government; that he does not, at present, ask or expect recognition as such; that he does not regard himself as authorized to make treaties intended to be binding upon any Russian government that may be set up, nor to grant concessions or otherwise dispose of the national domains and riches?
7.
Is the recent declaration of the policy of this Government satisfactory to General Wrangel, both as regards Poland and the maintenance of the unity and integrity of Russia?
8.
What are the safeguards, if any, which General Wrangel feels can be relied upon, and which may assure other nations, that General Wrangel will be able to pursue the policy of building up that [Page 614] portion of Russia which comes under his jurisdiction without permitting its development into either military adventure or political reaction?

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Colby