Mr. Rockhill to Mr.
Hay.
No. 85.]
Commissioner of
the United States to China,
Peking, May 13,
1901.
Sir: On the 9th instant the diplomatic corps held a
meeting in which the inclosed letter from the Chinese plenipotentiaries
concerning modification of Court ceremonial as regards reception of foreign
ministers was read and an answer agreed upon.
In my dispatch No. 69, of April 16, 1901, I inclosed translation of a letter
from Field Marshal Count von Waldersee concerning the military measures
necessary to carrying out Articles VIII and IX of the Joint Note and of the
reply made to it by the diplomatic corps. This reply was met by another
letter from the field Marshal, dated April 29. The diplomatic corps
considered to-day the advisability of making a reply to it, and decided to
defer doing so, after a prolonged discussion of the question. The military
authorities, as is shown by the letter of the marshal, which I inclose, are
desirous of separating the question of the presentation of the indemnity
claim from that of the guarantees for its payment to be given by China, and
think that the evacuation should only commence after the first demand has
been made. The diplomatic corps is of opinion, however, that the two
questions should not be separated. In the rather desultory discussion which
was had on this letter of the field marshal it developed that the majority
of the ministers were of opinion that reduction of the forces should be made
at once and that the Chinese authorities should be more and more associated
in the local administration. The French minister is particularly active in
urging this view, in which I availed myself of every opportunity to express
my hearty concurrence.
On the 11th instant the diplomatic corps held another meeting for the
consideration of questions connected with the Provisional Government at
Tientsin and the so-called diplomatic quarter of this city. In connection
with the latter subject, the French minister asked that a categorical answer
should be given by all present, whether they accepted or not the creation of
a glaçis around the diplomatic quarter, which had been strongly advocated by
the military commission in its report, copy of which was sent you in Mr.
Conger’s No. 536, of February 16 last. The British minister and I said that
we were in the impossibility of agreeing to it; that the whole subject had
been referred to our Governments. Pending the receipt of instructions, each
legation could do, within the ground which it occupied, whatever it pleased.
The French and German ministers are particularly interested in the question,
as on part of the ground which they wish to convert into a glaçis American
citizens (Mr. Lowry and Dr. Coltman) hold property which they now want to
improve. I was asked if I could not prevent them taking any steps in this
direction until the question of the glacis had been finally settled. This I
declined to do, stating that I could in no way restrict the rights of
American property owners in China.
In my dispatch No. 36, of March 7, I referred to a resolution of the
diplomatic corps of November 6 of last year, sent to you by Mr. Conger on
the 4th of March, in his dispatch No. 558. This resolution having again come
up before the diplomatic corps in connection with property owned by American
citizens in this quarter, I informed my colleagues that pending receipt of
categorical instructions from you I refused to consider myself in any way
bound by its terms; that Mr. Conger had agreed to it subject to the approval
of his Government
[Page 161]
this approval
not having as yet been given, I did not propose to inquire into the property
titles of any American citizen here, whether any had acquired property since
the 20th of June of last year or not. This question is an important one, and
may give rise to frequent misunderstandings. I beg that I may be instructed
on the subject, as I requested in my dispatch of March 7.
A letter from the Chinese plenipotentiaries, making objection to carrying out
the provisions of the Joint Note concerning the suspension of examinations
in the cities and towns where foreigners had been murdered or cruelly
treated, was also read to the diplomatic corps, and an answer was agreed
upon. I inclose translation of both these papers.
The conservancy of the Whangpu River is one of the questions which interest
most deeply the mercantile community of Shanghai, and the present moment
appearing opportune for having this much-needed work undertaken and a
Conservancy Board created, the diplomatic corps, in its meeting of the 9th,
appointed a commission, composed of the French, German, and British
ministers and myself, to report on the question and recommend a plan for
carrying it out. I have good hope that this most important undertaking for
foreign trade will be promptly put in the way of final settlement.
I have, etc.,
Prince Ching and Li
Hung-chang to M. de
Cologan.
[Translation.]
Your Excellency: On the 18th of April we had
the honor to receive a communication from your excellency in which you
submitted the conclusions arrived at by the foreign representatives in
regard to the ceremonial to be observed at audiences of His Majesty the
Emperor.
Though the ceremonial is in accordance with the form prevailing in the
European countries and the United States, still there are certain points
which we find it difficult to comply with. They are four in number,
which we submit for the consideration of the foreign representatives:
- 1.
- As to general audiences being held in the T’ai-ho Tien, we
would point out that this throne hall is used by the Emperor,
who ascends the throne on the occasion of great celebrations and
when His Majesty receives New Year’s congratulations. When the
Emperor ascends the throne, the insignia carried before the
Emperor, the Emperor’s traveling equipage or escort, the whip
which is cracked, and the band of music must be arranged in due
order. The princes, dukes, and civil and military officers are
assigned places in the courtyard where are the stones marking
their rank. The rules are very strict, and not the least
disorder will be allowed. The Emperor must appear in full court
dress, and the forms of etiquette are multifarious. It is
therefore inconvenient to hold audiences granted to foreign
representatives there. If a change is made and audiences held in
another hall, this would seem to be more suitable.
- 2.
- In the matter of the foreign representative presenting his
letters of credence, or a letter from the head of his State, on
which occasion an Imperial sedan chair should be sent for him,
we would state that it is not convenient to send the chair the
Emperor rides in. The Imperial Household naturally should
prepare a sedan chair, such as used by the high officials of the
first rank, to be sent for the minister. This would be in
accordance with the rules of state. There is practically no
difference in the above system to that prevailing in European
countries.
- 3.
- As to the question that the foreign representatives should be
taken to the steps of the audience hall and should be taken back
therefrom, we would observe that heretofore princes, dukes, and
ministers of state, on going to the Forbidden city, alight from
their chairs outside of the Tung Hua gate and the Hsi Hua gate,
as the case may be. An exception, however, has been made by
special decree in the case of Prince Kung, the uncle of the
Emperor, and Prince Chün, the father of the Emperor, who are
permitted to take their chairs to the Ching Yun gate on the east
side and to the Lung Tsung gate on the west side. In European
countries the
[Page 162]
foreign
representatives take the carriages, but they are not allowed to
go to the front of the steps of the audience hall. It appears
that there is no distinction made in this rule. The question
should receive further consideration and changes be made.
- 4.
- As to the question that if banquets are given, as has been
done in previous years, these should take place in the
Chien-ching Kung and the Emperor should assist in person, we may
observe that the ceremonial at banquets given by sovereigns of
foreign countries to diplomatic representatives is not the same.
That banquets should he given in the Chien-ching Kung and the
Emperor assist in person is still a trivial matter, and changes
can be made by way of accommodation or compromise. But as to
banquets being given, this is a matter optional (with the
Emperor), and one that can await further discussion.
The above we present as being our views for your excellency’s further
consideration.
In a word, no matter what form of courtesy China shows to the foreign
representatives, on no account will it be other than on a footing of
equality between the two countries concerned without loss of
prestige.
In sending this communication to your excellency as dean of the
diplomatic corps, we beg that you will confer with your colleagues and
favor us with a reply.
M. de Cologan to
the Chinese plenipotentiaries.
[Translation.]
Highness and Excellency: On the 29th of April I
had the honor to receive your communication in reply to the one which I
had sent you on the 18th, and to inform you of the views of my
colleagues on the subject of the Court ceremonials on the reception of
foreign representatives by His Majesty the Emperor.
My colleagues request me to inform you in reply to your letter that the
hall of the Imperial Palace called Chien-ching Kung, which they pointed
out as the best for the audiences to separate foreign representatives
with His Majesty, being also suitable for audiences given to the whole
diplomatic corps, they modify the demand transmitted in my letter of the
18th of April in that sense. The Chien-ching Kung shall be the hall in
which shall take place all solemn audiences given by His Majesty the
Emperor to the representatives of the powers, whether individually or
collectively.
As to the Imperial sedan chair which should be sent to the dwelling of
the representative of a foreign power, etc., for the presentation of his
letters of credence, etc., my colleagues understand by that that it
shall be a sedan chair of the Imperial color, similar to those used by
His Majesty.
The explanations which you have given concerning the place where the
foreign ministers should get out of and get back into their sedan chairs
when they shall be admitted into imperial audiences have not seemed
satisfactory to my colleagues, who insist in this connection, and
subject to the modification accepted by them in the choice of the hall,
on the right which they have asked for. In consequence they will leave
and take again their chairs at the foot of the steps leading up to the
hall.
Regarding the banquets which His Majesty the Emperor might give to the
representatives of the powers, my colleagues request me to inform you
that the only bearing of their demand is to prevent that hereafter the
Emperor shall invite them in another building than one of those of the
Imperial palace, and shall be represented at the banquets offered by him
and in his name by some one else. But it never entered into their minds
to make it obligatory for His Majesty to send to the diplomatic agents
invitations to dinner.
I avail myself of this opportunity, etc.,
Field Marshal Count von
Waldersee to M. de
Cologan.
[Translation.]
Your Excellency: I hasten to forward to your
excellency, after a conference with the commanders of the contingents of
the allied troops, the following reply to your letter of the 25th
instant:
1. The following powers will bear their share in the 6,000 men to be left
behind in Tientsin and the district belonging to it: Great Britain,
France, Germany, and Japan, each 1,400 men; Italy, 400 men.
[Page 163]
For the 1,500 men to he left behind in Shanhaikwan-Chin-wangtao, Great
Britain, France, Japan, Russia, and Germany will each furnish 300 men.
Italy wishes to leave a company there until the forts are razed.
2. As long as Chinese territory remains occupied by troops of the allied
contingents the military commanders must have full authority over the
civil administration. This has also been laid down in principle in the
proceedings of the Hague conference in the year 1899. It is possible,
and it would even be of advantage for both parties, that the Chinese
authorities should retain their functions, as is now the case entirely
in Paotingfu and partly in Tientsin.
In Tientsin and the administrative district appertaining to it, which
reaches as far as Taku and comprises both banks of the Peiho, 6,000 men
of the international troops have to be quartered in the future, and to
these must be added 600 French troops destined for the protection of the
railroad and numerous small detachments of all contingents for the
protection of the various military establishments in Tongku and below
it. We must therefore also reckon the ships of war which will be always
stationed in the Peiho to keep up communication with the international
fleet lying in the roadstead of Taku. To permit that under any
circumstances these should be dependent upon a Chinese mandarin is an
impossibility.
Friction would at once arise which might lead to dire conflicts, and such
a measure should be avoided.
The placing of the civil administration under military supervision would
also have the great advantage that it would be very unpleasant for the
Chinese Government, and that this latter would therefore do its best to
get rid of the situation by a speedy fulfillment of the terms of
peace.
When the time comes for the reduction of the troops occupying Tientsin to
2,000 (?) men, it would be possible to accommodate them in the
concessions, and it might be taken into consideration that then Chinese
civil administration might be allowed in full measure.
3. The creation of a commander in chief is desirable for purely military
reasons. Whatever be the measures taken in case of trouble, there must
be a single center from which the orders emanate, and these should also
apply to the 2,000 men of the garrison in Peking.
4. According to my information, it is not quite correct to say that only
banner troops were quartered in Peking, for I understand that there was
also a strong garrison of troops with modern armament.
5. To provide for the commencement of the evacuation of Peking it would
be advisable to allow the Chinese authorities for four weeks previously
a greater share of responsibility than hitherto, but they must always be
under military control.
6. As regards the question as to whether at present a partial evacuation
of Pechili might be carried out, opinions were divided. The British,
Japanese, and German commanders were of the opinion, which I share, that
such an evacuation can not take place before China has accepted the sum
total of the indemnity to be paid, while the French commander informed
me that he had proposed to his Government to withdraw 8,000 to 9,000
men, beginning fourteen days hence and finishing in six weeks’ time, and
that preparations for this had been made. He added that he would only
leave colonial troops here, in view of the difficult climatic conditions
to be encountered. The Italian and Austrian commanders were without
instructions on this point. General Chaffee offered no observations.
Russia was not represented, as General de Wogack could not be
present.
All the commanders have requested me to inform your excellency, and to
request that you will inform the diplomatic corps of the following
opinions, which they adopted unanimously:
In view of the approaching hot weather, which will be very
disadvantageous for the health of the troops, and in view of the
difficult nature of the roadstead of Taku, the question of the
evacuation of Pechili is an extremely difficult one, which calls for the
most earnest consideration and in which delay will, in addition to an
enormous increase in the cost of the war, cause probably the loss of
many hundreds of soldiers, and the retention of the troops perhaps till
next winter.
We are unanimously of the opinion that the question would find a quicker
solution if the fixing of the amount of the indemnity were treated
separately from the manner in which China is to raise the money.
The second part of the question may, in view of the difficulties of the
matter, require several months for its solution. If the question of the
indemnity is first taken in hand and China declares its readiness to pay
the sum demanded, the time would have come for beginning the evacuation,
the completion of which would even then take several months, so that the
reduction of the army of occupation would be very gradual. We are
convinced 2,000 in Peking, 6,000 men in the Tientsin
[Page 164]
district, 1,500 men in Shanhaikwan, and
about 3,000 men along the railway-in all, 12,500 men—with an
international fleet at the Taku roadstead, and an international garrison
in Shanghai, with a fleet at the Woosung roadstead, will be absolutely
sufficient to force China to accept our conditions as to how the
indemnity is to be paid.
Count Waldersee, Field Marshal.
The Chinese
plenipotentiaries to M. de
Cologan.
[Translation.]
Your Excellency: On the 2d of May we received
from the Grand Council, at Si An, a telegram stating that the governor
of Hunan had wired that by the terms of the Joint Note there shall be a
“suspension of all official examinations for five years in all the towns
where foreigners have been massacred.” It appears that in the matter of
the missionary cases in Wei-yang and Ch’ing-chuan, in the Hunan
province, these were the result of trouble brought about by rebels, and
not the literati, and naturally the order of suspension should not apply
there. The trouble only occurred in the towns of Huang-sha-wan and
Chiang-tzu-k’ou, in the jurisdiction of the above-named districts. Even
if the examinations were to be suspended, it should only be done at the
two towns mentioned, where the trouble occurred. The suspension of
examinations merely refers to places where the Boxers created trouble
last year. This rule should not apply to missionary cases that occurred
in other places. If the examinations must be suspended, it would seem
necessary to clearly state that the suspension shall apply to the two
towns where the trouble occurred, and not involve the whole province.
This is important for the sake of justice and fairness.
Having received the above we would beg to observe that in the matter of
the suspension of examinations, correspondence on the subject have
passed between the foreign representatives and ourselves, but nothing
has been definitely settled.
We embrace the opportunity, however, of again expounding our views in a
clear and minute way.
The suspension of examinations for the period of five years refers to the
people living in the places where disturbances occurred—the result of
the Boxer movement—who can not compete during that time; it has no
reference to places where disturbances occurred, not the result of the
Boxer movement. Take, for instance, Peking, where last year a revolution
took place, resulting in loss of life to foreigners of all
nationalities. The native scholars resident in the capital are punished
by the examinations not being opened to them, which is perfectly right
and proper, but Peking is the capital of China, and the Chü jen of the
various provinces come here to enter the metropolitan examinations.
Then, as to the examinations for the second degree in the Shun-tien
prefecture, we may add that these are open to senior licentiates and
students of the imperial academy of the southern, northern, and central
provinces. This examination is not confined alone to students of the
metropolitan prefecture. If the metropolitan examinations for the third
degree and the metropolitan prefecture examinations for the second
degree are to be suspended, then in that case the students of all the
provinces will not be able to compete for the above degrees, and as a
result of disturbances in many cities and towns the scholars of the
Empire would all thus be cut off from entering the official carrier.
Besides, it is the illiterate vagabonds who cause trouble, and by such a
mode of procedure the peaceable, law-abiding scholars would in like
manner be implicated with them. Would this be strictly in accordance
with justice? Besides, foreign missionaries are a class associated with
the scholars of China, and if the examinations at Peking are suspended
to scholars this would create a feeling of enmity which would not be
befitting.
We therefore ask that the examinations be suspended only to persons
resident in the places where it is right they should be prohibited, but
not to those not living in said cities or towns where the disturbances
occurred. The examinations of an entire prefecture or district should
not be suspended; a discrimination should be made. The suspension of
examinations for five years should apply to places where the Boxers
created trouble last year; other places should not be affected by this
ruling.
In sending this communication to your excellency, we beg that you will
confer with your colleagues on this subject, and favor us with a reply,
in order that a memorial may be sent to the Throne, asking the issuance
of a decree in reference to the places contained in the list forwarded
to us some time ago re suspension of examinations.
[Page 165]
M. de Cologan to
the Chinese plenipotentiaries.
[Translation.]
Highness, Excellency: You requested me in your
note of the 4th of May to communicate to my colleagues a telegram from
the Grand Council concerning the cities in which examinations should be
suspended during five years, in compliance with Article II of the Joint
Note.
You explain in this connection that in your mind the suspension of
examinations would consist “in the interdiction for residents in
localities in which troubles had taken place to present themselves for
the examinations during a period of five years, and not in forbidding
for five years that examinations should be held in the localities where
troubles had occurred.”
It is, on the-contrary, this last interpretation which is the true one.
To convince yourself of it it suffices to look at the text of paragraph
B, Article II, of the Joint Note, accepted by His Majesty the Emperor of
China. This paragraph reads as follows:
“Suspension of all official examinations for five years in all the cities
where foreigners have been massacred or have been subjected to cruel
treatment.”
You observe, in support of your explanations, that at Peking the
suspension of examinations would be prejudicial to people of all the
provinces who had not taken part in the trouble of last year, and you
add that “those guilty of the disorders were all illiterate men and
rascals.” You show yourself, in thus speaking, severe on the Princes and
high officials whom you have already recognized as responsible for the
crimes to which you refer. We doubt whether the criminals can be
considered as illiterate people, but we do not contest that they behaved
themselves like rascals.
On the contrary, it is, speaking in a general way, the literati who have
always been—particularly so last year—the true authors or accomplices of
the antiforeign movement, and the Chinese people are only responsible
for having allowed themselves to be dragged into the movement.
The representatives of the powers, therefore, insist on the demands which
they have made of you, and which are entirely in conformity with Article
II of the note which you have accepted.
I avail myself, etc.,
