Foreign Relations of the United States, 1894, Appendix II, Affairs in Hawaii

No. 60.
Statement of C. B. Wilson.

facts in relation to the revolution of 1893, and the causes which led to it.

Two years ago the nation was preparing its decorations to joyously celebrate and welcome the home-coming of His Majesty King Kalakaua, who was away on a visit of business to the United States, endeavoring to benefit his country and people by working for a modification of the existing treaty of reciprocity with the United States, in the direction of securing the admission of more Hawaiian products and manufactures free of duty into the United States. He had gone on this errand a sick man—at the direct instigation and strong pressure of the planters and their friends, led by Thurston and others. They hoped that through his royal rank and genial bonhomie to gain those privileges from the American Government which they themselves when in power as the cabinet of 1887 had failed to secure.

On the 29th of January, 1881, the U. S. S. Charleston, bearing the body of the deceased monarch, in charge of Rear-Admiral George Brown, arrived in Honolulu harbor. The Charleston was draped in mourning and her yards were cockbilled, which was the first intimation to the Hawaiian people that their monarch had laid down his life in the attempt to benefit the sugar planters. The arrangements for the celebration of his return with rejoicing were changed to that of mourning for Hawaii’s dead.

Hurried arrangements were made to carry out the change in the form of government that the sad circumstances had made necessary. His late majesty’s cabinet called a meeting of the privy council of state to be held at the palace on that day at noon. To this meeting the princess regent, now Queen, by hereditary right and the provisions of the superseded constitution of 1865, as well as by the direct provisions of the constitution of 1887, was summoned to be present in order to take the oath of office and to be sworn in as sovereign, as provided for in the constitution which had been forced on her late royal brother at the point of the bayonet during the uprising of 1887, at the instigation of the same Thurston and his associates.

At this meeting her troubles began. Naturally and properly opposed to a constitution promulgated by her late brother under compulsion of force, to which she had never consented, and feeling secure in her right to ascend the throne under the provisions of the superseded Kamehameha constitution, she hesitated to sign the constitution or to take the oath which might bind her to acknowledge the validity of that document. The chancellor of the Kingdom, Chief Justice A. F. Judd, advised her to sign it, as the oath was merely the same as in the previous constitution, and hinted to her that the then ministry could not hold office under the commissions signed by the late King. Thus induced, she reluctantly but finally signed the document and took the oath.

Picture the scene: The dead body of her brother and late sovereign still on board of the Charleston, no definite arrangements yet made to bring it ashore; men at work in the very palace where they were draping it with mourning; no relatives near or far save a child niece 8,000 miles away in England and an invalid husband who died a few months later; a subtle tempter promising—you shall do as you want if you willingly give in on this one point; and a grief-stricken and lonely woman in the first pangs of mourning, bereavement, and the bewilderment of a sudden change called upon to assume the duties of head of the nation.

Could anyone doubt the result? The chief justice’s advice was followed. The oath was taken to support the Constitution of the Hawaiian Islands, and immediately on the adjournment of the Privy Council, the politicians both in it and out of it were at work. The chief Justice at once stepped up to Her Majesty and-whispered to her that if the ministry resigned, as they could not legally hold their portfolios unless commissioned by her, she should ask them to hold their portfolios until after the funeral. This was indeed a most remarkable action of the chief justice toward a woman thus suddenly called on to attend to matters of the most important and serious nature possible, as well as a singular prejudgment of matters which have to, and did, come before him in his official capacity as head of the supreme bench.

For not without a struggle did the late King’s cabinet give up the reins of power, bowing only to the decision of the supreme court. It was appealed to, as provided for in the Constitution. It will be remembered that Mr. J. A. Cummins was the minister of foreign affairs and’ nominal premier in this cabinet which was now compelled to retire. This fact accounts for much which happened later, as will be related in due time. Considerable feeling ran through the community at the time of the discussion, on the claim of right by the late King’s ministers to hold office in defiance of the Queen. The Thurston faction saw that their power was slipping surely and slowly from them, and they made every effort, privately and publicly, to prevent the Queen from acting contrary to their wishes and plans.

However, as before stated, the supreme court decided that His late Majesty’s cabinet could not hold office by virtue of their commissions, signed by the deceased King, and Her Majesty exercised her undoubted privilege of selecting new counsellors. These were Messrs. S. Parker, H. A. Widemann, Charles N. Spencer, and W. A. Whiting. It was a most conservative cabinet, although not at all favored by or favoring the Thurston faction. Mr. C. N. Spencer, since deceased in February, 1893, the minister of the interior, an American and a very old resident of this Kingdom, was a member of the cabinet appointed by the late King, who had just resigned on account of the decision of the supreme court. He had previously, however, signified both his absolute willingness and his deliberate intention of resigning his office as a matter of courtesy to the sovereign, even though the supreme court should decide that the King’s cabinet had the right to continue their offices under the Queen. None of his colleagues had expressed such opinions and seemed determined to hold their seats at all hazard; this no doubt influenced Her Majesty in her determination to select new advisers.

Troublous indeed were the scenes at the opening of her reign, and now she had to meet trouble from without as well as from within. His excellency, John L. Stevens, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America, had by virtue of his office an official audience of the bereaved and mourning sovereign in the palace on the day following the burial of the body of the late King, on which occasion he addressed Her Majesty as follows:

Madam: It is my official duty to offer to Your Majesty congratulations on your accession to the throne, in accordance with the provisions of the constitution of your Kingdom. Turning from the funeral scenes through which we have just passed, I address “Your Majesty words of hope as to the future of your reign. Standing on the borderland of death and the future world, of which Ave have been so solemnly reminded by what has just transpired in our midst, and reverent towards the Supreme God, to whom all are accountable, the minister of the United States expresses his earnest gratification that Your Majesty has taken the firm resolution to aid in making your reign a strictly constitutional reign, to maintain the constitutional right of your ministers to administer the laws, and always to acknowledge their responsibility to the Legislature in the performance of their sworn obligations. In the wish thus to respect the supreme authority of the constitution and the laws, Your Majesty places yourself in the exalted rank of the best sovereigns of the world, and thus will avoid those embarrassments and perplexities which have so often disturbed the peace and crippled the prosperity of countries not blessed with free and enlightened constitutions. It is my earnest prayer that Your Majesty maybe able to carry out your noble resolution, and thus have full time and opportunity to discharge the duties which Your Majesty justly regards necessary to the success of your reign and beneeficial to your whole people. In endeavoring to make good these auspicious promises, Your Majesty will have the full sympathy and the good wishes of the Government which I have the honor to represent at this capital.

Picture to yourself the time and scene. An elderly editor of an obscure country journal, accidentally pitchforked into the position of the national representative of one of the greatest nations on earth—and a republic at that—lecturing a monarch born and educated to the purple, a woman in the hour of deepest bereavement, in the style and with the ideas that he would have used to a Sunday school class of little children or possibly to a benighted heathen from the depths of barbarism.

From this time forward he showed by every means in his power at every opportunity the determination to make himself obnoxious to the Queen and her Government by his high-handed and dictatorial actions and speeches, both to herself personally and everyone in her Government that he had to deal with officially.

His mode of doing this was generally characterized by pettiness, as the following instances will show: He once asked permission of the Queen to introduce to her two or three friends. What was the astonishment of the officials to see him drive into the palace yard with all the tourist guests of the hotel, about 30 or 40 in number. As it so happened the Queen was indisposed, so that they had only the privilege of seeing through the palace. Upon receiving the excuses of the Queen, Minister Stevens announced the fact to his guests, and in a few minutes afterwards withdrew, leaving the party in the charge of the palace officials. On another occasion the Queen was holding a general reception. Several influential and wealthy American visitors to the Islands were desirous of being presented to Her Majesty. Minister Stevens met them, at the palace, and when he got to the door of the throne room he left the party standing in the hallway while he marched in alone, and standing before the Queen hastily read over a list of names and marched out again, leaving his amazed countrymen and ladies to their own devices, from which awkward position they were rescued by the courtesy of the Queen’s officials, and ushered into her presence. Again, at a state dinner at the palace, he signalized himself by killing mosquitoes, clapping both hands together with a loud report, letting the mosquitoes fall into his soup, from which he afterward picked them out. The onlookers and others at the table were simply paralyzed by his coarse breach of etiquette.

Upon another occasion at a luau given on the palace grounds, to which himself, wife, and family were invited, he created great irritation by his un gentlemanly and dictatorial insistance on having seats placed at the Royal table, when a table had been specially set apart for the families of diplomatic representatives, for his second daughter and lady friends. He expressed himself in language quite unbecoming a gentlemen of his position.

When raiding a Chinese gambling den, the police at one time arrested a murderous-looking inmate of the place, armed with a specially sharpened immense sheath knife. He was placed under arrest with a second charge of carrying a deadly weapon contrary to law. Minister Stevens immediately insisted on his release without trial, and the return of the deadly blade, as the Mongolian was an attaché of the legation, to-wit, his coachman, and was therefore privileged from arrest, notwithstanding the fact that he was not registered at the foreign office as such according to international law and custom. To avoid any further fuss with the American dictator, the murderous Celestial highbinder and criminal servant over whom had been unwarrantably thrown the œgis of the American eagle, was released.

In April last, when V. V. Ashford, R. W. Wilcox, and others were under arrest on a charge of treason, a vagabond hoodlum, better known as “the bad man from Alabama,” who had been parading up and down Merchant street, the principal business street, with cartridge belt stuck full of cartridges, and a Springfield rifle, loudly uttering that he was prepared to fall in when the word was given for a move to be made, on which he was promptly arrested by a police officer. Minister Stevens interfered in this man’s behalf also, to secure his release, as he would no doubt have of the rest could he have even furbished up the slightest claim to interfere, and thus show his sympathy with revolutions and the enemies of Her Majesty’s throne and life.

When it came to attempting to search for a missing boat from the wreck of the American ship W. A. Campbell, which contained six or seven men, a woman, and a young child, he refused to allow the Boston to go, on the grounds that he feared a revolution and damage to life and property in its absence. This was during the Macfarlane–Neumann and the Corn well–Nawahai cabinets regime, when the Thurston faction were in opposition. A few weeks later, when they had got into power, he took occasion to use the Boston to convey himself and family to Hawaii. The incident caused strong comment amongst Americans in Honolulu on his heartlessness and cowardice in taking care of Americans and American interests, and called forth several communications which were published in the Daily Bulletin, a leading newspaper owned by a private corporation. The articles referred to are as follows:

In the legislative assembly on Tuesday, the 27th of September, 1892, Noble Cornwell, under suspension of the rules, moved the following resolution:

“Whereas, information from authoritative sources has been received that an American vessel has been wrecked near the coast of Hawaii, and by reports of one boat’s crew of survivors that another boat containing the captain and his wife, and other people, was still missing;

“Resolved, That Her Majesty’s Government is hereby requested to inquire into the expediency of assisting the castaways, and is hereby authorized in that behalf to employ the services of one of the Inter-island steamers for the purpose of searching for the missing people, to render assistance if possible;

“Resolved, further, That the Government be authorized to incur the necessary expenses connected there with.”

On motion of Noble Baldwin the words “if deemed necessary” were added, and the resolution passed, and referred to the cabinet.

On the 28th of September the following communication appeared:

Editor Bulletin:

I would like to ask through your columns “of those who have the authority” why the U. S. S. Boston is not sent out in search, of the missing boat of the American ship Wm. A. Campbell. I will venture to say that if the U. S. minister’s or consul-general’s wife and child were in that boat the Boston would have steamed to sea in search of it several days ago.

An Indignant American.

In its issue of the 29th was this editorial:

The U. S. S. Boston leaves port this afternoon on a cruise in search of the missing boat of the lost ship Wm. A. Campbell. This movement is to be placed to the credit of the action taken by the Hawaiian Legislature on a resolution introduced by Noble Cornwell. While there is no certainty that the captain’s party have either perished or been picked up, there is a chance that they may be found alive on the wide ocean by the cruiser. Better late than never that the search is instituted.

The above was one of the specifications in Minister Stevens’ libel suit. “Another Indignant American,” on the 30th says:

Editor Bulletin:

It is just one week ago to-night since the American Minister Stevens, Consul-General Severance, and the U. S. S. Boston were communicated with on the subject of instituting search for the missing boat’s crew of the wrecked W. A. Campbell, a report of which appeared in the Bulletin first on last Friday afternoon. The answers were vague and indefinite, except such as received from the Boston which supplied the information that no instructions had been received. Now, this afternoon, the Boston starts on her belated trip in the cause of humanity. The excuse can not be offered that the attention of these officials was not drawn to the need for humane action, nor can poverty of the nation they represent be advanced, in atonement for disgusting quiescence. If the Boston comes across a ship’s boat containing fourteen grinning ghastly corpses, including those of a loving mother and her babe—a woman and her child—it will not be a pleasant picture to contemplate, nor will it be a source of satisfaction to Hubites when they reflect upon the odium which has already been east upon the namesake of the capital city of the old “Bay State,” by the senility and Chinese-like stolidity of the man from Maine.

On October 1 “Looker-On” writes:

Editor Bulletin:

Last Friday, news was brought of a terrible disaster at sea. One boat was picked up off the Hawaiian coast, and the exhausted survivors were able to tell of the still more desperate condition of the occupants of another boat, supposed to be following the first. A woman in a delicate condition and a baby were sharing the awful hardships of the open sea in a small ship’s boat. The vessel was American. In the port of Honolulu was lying a ship of the much-vaunted Navy. Moreover, a large number of local steamers were anchored in the harbor waiting for employment. Thanks to private charity and generosity a short ineffectual search was made by the steamer Kinau, whose owners declined to receive remuneration for what, in their opinion, was the performance of an act of common humanity. Meanwhile, the Boston lies calmly as if nothing had happened. Her searchlights sweep the heavens at night, resting for a moment on the hotel cupola, then another moment on the rising tower of the American church, then flash away to far Waikiki or elsewhere, calculated no doubt to strike terror into the Hawaiian breast, and to show the futility of trying to evade the searching eye, not of Providence, but of Uncle Sam. There were those who said that it had been better if that light had swept the horizon beyond Hawaii for that speck in the wide ocean to which were clinging a mother and her child. However, nothing absolutely is done, except that some theories are propounded by the American consul-general. Besides this, nothing.

It is said on good authority that the captain of the Boston offered his ship, but that the American minister declined the offer. He was afraid, it is said, that something might happen if the Boston were to leave port. Here, then, two reflections arise. First, why is the Boston here at all? and, secondly, is it not manifest now that there are occasions when we are deprived of the maternal protection of the United States and need a small force of our own? Finally, seeing that humanity was being sacrificed to miserable considerations of politics, a member of the Hawaiian Legislature moves that steps be taken immediately to attempt relief to the unfortunate captain and his family. This poor little Kingdom, not in anyway connected with the disaster, was about to rescue citizens of the United States because the representatives of their own country would not move hand or foot. And this is the country to which the Advertiser invites us all to address ourselves for permanent protection and relief. An English man-of-war would have been under weigh within two hours of receiving the intelligence. The fact is, the American Republic has so much to think of at home that it has no time to spend over such trifles as shipwrecks. And, if in an unfortunate moment of mental obstruction Hawaii were ever to seek admission to the Union, she would find that this little Kingdom would be too small to occupy the absorbing interest which, according to the Advertiser, would be directed to her interests.

Minister Stevens took such exceptions to those articles that he forthwith visited the minister of foreign affairs, and stated that he wished a personal interview with Her Majesty, without informing the minister of the nature of his proposed visit. On the appointed day and hour, Minister Stevens, accompanied by Consul-General H. W. Severance, arrived at the palace. He was ushered into the Queen’s presence with a document in one hand, which subsequently proved to be the articles that had been printed in the “Bulletin,” already referred to, and a volume under his other arm. He was asked politely to take a seat, and did so, flinging one leg over the arm of the chair, and in this uncouth position before a lady he most heatedly announced to the Queen, and to her amazement, that he was there not as plain Mr. Stevens but as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America. Then drawing himself up to an erect posture, proceeded in a very un gentlemanly tone to inform the Queen that it “was the President of the United States of America addressing the Queen of Hawaii.” He then went on to say that he was not to be insulted by any newspapers in her realm, and said he referred to certain articles which had been published in the “Bulletin,” copies of which he had brought with him to place before Her Majesty. He expected an apology from the Queen, and also that she give him redress for the insult he had received. He then read extracts on “international law” from the book which he had carried under his arm. He also read an “amende honorable,” which he insisted should be published in the “Bulletin,” but was not. It was as follows:

We desire to express our deep regret for the admission to our columns of communications reflecting on official American representatives relative to the wrecked ship Wm. A. Campbell. We are satisfied that the insinuations and reflections contained in those communications are entirely unwarranted and unjust. The United States officials now at Honolulu are responsible to their own Government at Washington, and not to residents of foreign countries. Nor are they at liberty to explain the reasons of their official actions in the public prints. Both the present minister and the consul-general, so far as we know, during their residence here, have always conducted themselves with discretion and propriety. These anonymous assaults upon them are wholly unjustifiable, and if this paper has in any way implied a reflection upon their official conduct we think it just to withdraw all such implicacation, and frankly make this “amende honorable.”

Their excellencies Samuel Parker and Paul Neumann, Consul-General Severance and Her Majesty’s chamberlain were witnesses to this extraordinary scene. At the conclusion of this most insane and unheard of proceeding, charging her with something that she neither knew of or had any control over—namely, the conduct of a newspaper with which she had no connection—Her Majesty properly referred him to her ministers.

The cabinet, at Mr. Stevens’ request and instance, commenced criminal proceedings for libel against the editor of the paper in question. The suit was afterwards withdrawn at the request of Mr. Stevens, when he found what a scrape he had got himself into, both at home and abroad, by his tyrannical and insolent action towards Her Majesty, and towards suppressing the privilege of free comments of the press on public men, which when an editor himself he had freely availed himself of, and which the Hawaiian, like the American, Constitution, expressly guarantees. His violation of diplomatic etiquette, by going direct to Her Majesty, without first stating the nature of his interview to tie Minister of Foreign Affairs, and his violent and personally insulting language, would anywhere else have caused his recall, as a persona ingrata to the Sovereign, but the Queen good-naturedly overlooked the insult and forgave his ignorance and ill-temper.

His actions were privately apologized for by Consul General Severance at a social at Fort Street Church, who said that if he had known the nature of the errand he would never have accompanied the minister. Previous to this incident he had been selected by American residents for the honor of giving an address at the decoration-day services. On that occasion he took the opportunity to air his antimonarchical sentiments by condemning all monarchies in general, and greatly reflected on the Hawaiian monarchy. Noble E. C. Macfarlane brought the matter up in the Legislature on a question of privilege, and a resolution was passed calling on Minister John L. Stevens to make an explanation to Her Majesty’s Government, but influences were brought to bear, and the subject-matter was dropped from the records, on the ground that America might take it as an ungrateful action on the part of Hawaii, and it might influence the safety of a pending treaty then in the process of negotiation. He had made a somewhat similar public exposé of his sentiments in an address, at the Young Men’s Christian Association Hall previously. We shall now drop Minister Stevens’ peculiar actions, and take up the consideration of Her Majesty’s reign from the time when he first began his uncalled for interference with herself and her Government.

After the period of mourning the Queen went on several tours of inspection, visiting all of the islands and the most important districts on each. In every place she was most enthusiastically received by the foreigners as well as by the native Hawaiians. The evidences of her popularity with every class in every place were universal and sincere. The only ones who expressed any dissent were disappointed and disgruntled politicians who had failed to get any office or influence with her, such as Messrs. J. E. Bush, R. W. Wilcox, the Ashfords, and Rev. S. E. Bishop, but even these found the tide of popular feeling in her favor too hard to stem and too openly expressed to be disguised or covered up. It may be stated, here that after having showered on the Queen the most constant, and unlimited, and unparalleled abuse both in their newspapers and in the Legislature to which they were elected members, that towards the close of the session Messrs. Bush and Wilcox, with Mr. C. W. Ashford, proffered their services to help her in any way she deemed advisable, and professsed extreme loyalty to and affection for her.

In due time the biennial election took place in February, 1892, and when the Legislature met in May it was found that the house was divided amongst three parties, the planting missionary element with Messrs. Thurston, Baldwin, and Smith at their head; the liberals, and the national reform party. The ministry were supported by the latter, and Thurston’s party, in order to oust them and get into power, formed an unholy alliance with their political enemies, the liberals, by promising them a share of the power so gained and pledging themselves not to abandon the agreement until the Queen had given into their desires and appointed a cabinet of their nomination.

In order to give a fictitious color of constitutionality and liberty to their nefarious office and power-seeking schemes, Mr. Thurston enunciated the astonishing principles, not to be found in the Hawaiian constitution, that the Queen must appoint her cabinet on the dictation of whomsoever a majority of the legislature should nominate in caucus as the leader to select a ministry. In pursuance of this object ministry after ministry was rejected by a vote of these combined parties in the house, not with any regard to the merits of the gentlemen comprising them, but solely with a view towards compelling Her Majesty to assent to their return to full and uncontrolled power, although they represented but a minority of both the noble and the representative voters of the Kingdom. To secure their ends and keep their majority together the Thurston-Baldwin faction entered on a career of the most shameless corruption and bribery ever known in a Hawaiian Legislature, and by so doing defeated cabinet after cabinet. Finally, however, on a cabinet being selected by Her Majesty, every member of which either belonged to or strongly favored the interests of their clique, the alleged principle vanished into thin air, and they basely deserted their quondam liberal allies without compunction, having, as they thought, secured their return to power untrammeled till the following election in 1894.

Amongst the cabinets thus unceremoniously overthrown in their greed for office was that known as the Macfarlane-Neumann cabinet, consisting of Messrs. E. C. Macfarlane, Samuel Parker, Charles T. Gulick and Paul Neumann. This cabinet for talent, executive ability, honesty, patriotism, and integrity is probably unequaled in the history of the Kingdom. Every man in it was American, being either an American citizen or the descendant of one. It had the support and confidence of the financial and business circles. Yet by unblushing bribery and corruption, to the disgust of everyone, they were forced out of office on a second vote of “want of confidence,” after the first one had failed. At this time, if the Queen had promulgated a new constitution and dissolved the Legislature she would have had an overwhelming support, both from foreigners and Hawaiians.

It is to this period that we must also go for evidence that Messrs. Stevens and Wiltse had been for along time engaged in conspiring to overturn the Monarchy here; for on the failure of the first vote of want of confidence in the Macfarlane-Neumann ministry, and before bribery had got in its work to secure a majority in favor of a second, a provisional government was proposed to Messrs. Stevens and Wiltse by Messrs. J. A. Cummins and others of the then united faction of the liberals and Thurston crowd. They pledged themselves then to support such movement with all the forces at their disposal if the move could be made. This statement is made on the authority of a statement under oath by one who was present at a caucus held at Mr. Alex. Young’s place at that time, when Mr. J. A. Cummins announced the fact to the meeting. The movement, however, was not made, as the public feeling of all classes at the time was so strong and bitter against the tactics of Messrs. Thurston and Co. that they knew that they would have suffered severely from the popular indignation if they attempted to do anything of the kind. They went as far as to try how many men they could enlist to serve their purpose, but met with such rebuffs and rebukes as to cause them to desist. Most of those whom they approached told them that they had not forgotten their behavior in the 1887 affair.

In the mean time the bribery had succeeded, the Macfarlane-Neumann cabinet were out, and after a short interval Messrs. Nawahi, Cornwell, Gulick, and Creighton were appointed as the cabinet, but were promptly voted out in a couple of hours after taking their seats. Although unwilling to surrender her constitutional prerogative at the demand of the Thurston faction, the Queen determined, in the interests of peace, to appoint her next cabinet from amongst the more moderate of their number, and did so, in the vain hope that that would cause them to run the country’s business at least fairly to every party and stop. The ministry now appointed (the Brown-Wilcox ministry) was entirely satisfactory to the so-called reform party, but as their late allies (the liberals) had not been consulted in its formation, and were not represented in its composition, they refused to support it, and a spectacle was presented of a ministry governing the country who represented a minority in the house, and these but a feeble minority of the voters of the country. Such a state of affairs could not last, except under the peculiar electoral conditions of Hawaii, and only by political trickery and extensive bribery was it kept up.

Finally, however, the National Reform party and the Liberals coalesced and by the requisite majority, twenty-five out of forty-eight, voted the Brown-Wilcox pro-missionary combination out of office. Personally, I was sorry to see them retire from office, as I considered them moderate men, who would exercise their power in a conservative way until the following election in February next year, but the actions of the Reform party had been so unscrupulous that their opponents determined to force them out. They first tried to get them to resign by passing bills obnoxious to their policy, such as the opium license law, which was opposed by all but Cecil Brown (attorney-general), and the lottery bill; but finding them determined on holding office they united, as I before stated, and by appealing to the patriotic sentiments of the Hawaiian members prevented the Reform party’s gold from having any effect, and carried the vote of “want of confidence” by a considerable majority and by the requisite legal number (twenty-five) of members of the House. I may now here mention the circumstances attending the formation of the new ministry and the new Constitution proposed to be promulgated.

My first knowledge that Her Majesty had received at this time any idea of promulgating a Constitution was about the 8th of January last, when we had some conversation on the subject, in which I objected to its suitability and feasibility at the time. Although I knew that she thoroughly believed she was doing her duty in the matter as a Queen toward her people, her race, and her country, and that she was right in thus acting toward her people, who had come to her as a last resort, having failed to get their desires after trying every other means. I knew that she had received petitions from all sections of the group with over 10,000 signatures, praying her to help her people with their desires for a new Constitution.

The liberal party, which was elected on a platform in which the main plank was the calling of a constitutional convention, were at this time under the perfect control of the missionary wing of the reform party, under Thurston’s leadership, had gone back on their pledges and refused to grant a constitutional convention for the purpose of preparing a new constitution satisfactory alike to Hawaiians and foreigners in a proper and amicable manner, and afterwards placing it before the people for its ratification and promulgation, although the petitions in favor of it had over 4,000 signatures of voters. To meet such treatment by the Legislature after these thousands had signified their desire for it, was hard for her people. The people appealed to her for redress, and she, in her sympathy for her people, although in the beginning of her reign was taunted as being too much in favor of and under the advice and influence of the foreigner, and against her own people and race, determined to show them that a Hawaiian monarch’s chief care was to redress the wrongs of the Hawaiian people whenever they were in the right, and especially as she was advised that it simply needed the royal mandate to relieve the oppression. To find me, whom she considered would acquiesce to her every behest, opposing her, was a severe strain for a monarch, especially as she knew that I myself was in sympathy with the general idea of amending the constitution by having a new one. To be met with opposition when one expects acquiesence and obedience, is a severe strain to anyone, but more especially to a monarch, who is also a lady, accustomed, therefore, to have her slightest wishes regarded as law.

As nothing further was said until the 13th, I considered that the matter had dropped, but on that day, in talking over the matter of the new cabinet, which was to be appointed in presence of Her Majesty, the matter was brought up again; I again urged the objections which I felt to the step, and, as I thought, successfully.

On the 14th of January, while at the palace waiting with the other invited guests, after the ministers had retired for consultation, owing to the prolonged wait, Governor A. S. Cleghorn urged me to go into the blue room and see Her Majesty, and find out what was the cause of the delay. I saw Her Majesty and Minister S. Parker, and, after hearing the state of affairs, I said: “I’ll make this proposition, as you have here only a native copy of the constitution; have you an English version?” She replied: “Yes.” “Then send for it,” I said, “and send for the rest of the Cabinet and let them look it over, and if they find there is nothing radically wrong in it, you then sign it and we will stand by its results; but if it is not right, you follow the advice of your ministers.” To this proposition both Her Majesty and Mr. Parker agreed, and Mr. Parker sent for the other ministers, who returned to the palace. The English version of the constitution was sent for and brought in by a messenger.

The proposition was laid before the cabinet by myself, which they accepted and began to inspect the proposed constitution. Just then I received a message that I was wanted outside. I went out, when a note was handed to me stating that I was required immediately at the police station. I therefore excused myself and left fife blue room. I was met by the chief justice and others, who wanted to know what had taken place. As I was in haste, I simply told them that the ministry had returned and were now in the blue room with Her Majesty, and that the rumor of their resignation was untrue. I then went on to the station house, and on my arrival there I was informed that Messrs. Thurston and W. O. Smith of the missionary party were organizing and enlisting men to overthrow the Queen and her Government. After making inquiry, I found that they alleged they were organizing simply to support the ministry in opposing the Queen, in the event of her promulgating a new constitution, in defiance of the ministry, by force of arms, as Minister Colburn had called upon Mr. Thurston that afternoon for advice, and informed them that the Queen intended to promulgate a new constitution. Mr. Thurston had advised Mr. Colburn to oppose the measure, and not to resign; that they would render all the assistance necessary. Hence they were enlisting the men at W. O. Smith’s office for that purpose.

As this seemed to me to be a legitimate purpose I did not make any arrests, but as 1 saw from the excited condition of these men (Thurston, Smith, etc.) that they saw an opportunity to raise trouble, and now that the news had spread around town and knots of men were discussing the situation on the street corners, I felt it my duty to make every preparation to preserve the peace and safety of the town if they attempted to proceed to any violent acts. I therefore gave my instructions to the police and the specials to be carefully on the lookout for any symptoms of this kind, and returned to the palace to see how matters were proceeding there. On my way there I was informed by those whom I met that the Queen had given way to the advice of her cabinet and that the constitution matter was postponed.

When I arrived at the palace I found all the guests had gone except a Hawaiian social club, who had prepared a “luau” in the basement of the palace to celebrate the prorogation, and that Her Majesty was just seated as I entered. I was shown to a seat opposite Her Majesty, but had no sooner sat down than I was telephoned for to go right back to the police station, as I was wanted on an important matter. On my arrival at the station house I was informed that Thurston and his party were holding another meeting at W. O. Smith’s office, and were still enlisting men. This was at 5 p.m. I therefore sent out my special officers with instructions to report at once on the slightest sign of a disturbance, and putting the regular police force on double duty I kept an extra guard all night at the station house, and made every preparation necessary to quell immediately any disturbance which might arise Other specials were sent out to shadow the principals in the move, and instructions were given to the police to arrest all persons on the street found with arms and ammunition, and to keep a strict watch on the dealers in firearms and their places of business until otherwise ordered by myself.

By the advice and consent of the cabinet I ordered the saloons closed at 9 o’clock p.m., two hours and a half earlier than usual, in order to induce the usual Saturday night crowd to disperse to their homes, and so keep the streets clear. These precautions were taken, as I could not foresee what their next move would be. As matters had settled down to their normal condition, and peace and quietness prevailed throughout the city, I could not understand why the Thurston faction should continue to hold meetings and enlist men. Nothing occurred that night to denote any signs of disturbance, except the meetings of the Thurston faction, and on Sunday, the 15th, I received information from one special that a meeting had been held at Thurston’s residence the night previous, and kept up until late, at which a majority of those afterwards known as the committee of safety were present.

I have learned since from one of those who were present that the object of the meeting was to overthrow the Queen by force and bring about annexation, Mr. L. A. Thurston being the leader. Mr. A. S. Hartwell, who was present, opposed the move, as he thought it was not the proper way to bring about annexation, but Thurston and the others did not agree with him and ridiculed his objections, in consequence of which Mr. Hartwell had withdrawn from the compact and stated that he could not be a party to any such action, and retired from the meeting. At this meeting Thurston stated that Minister Stevens had promised to support them, if they proclaimed a provisional government, with troops from the U. S. S. Boston, and that their cause could not be a success without those troops and Minister Stevens’s assistance.

Another special brought in word that they were still recruiting and arming, and that they could only rely on about seventy-five men and not over eighty stand of arms. From another I received information that L. A. Thurston, W. O. Smith, W. R. Castle, J. H. Soper, John Good, C. W. Zeigler, H. Waterhouse, C. L. Carter, J. A. McCandless, J. F. Morgan, A. Brown, W. W. Hall, J. H. Fisher, J. Emmeluth, W. Chan, and C. T. Wilder were all out working the matter up round town among people to see how many stood on the matter; that some were on horseback and others in hacks. Other specials reported that some of the above named gentlemen were constantly in and out of Minister Stevens’s house (the United States legation), also those of W. W. Hall, L. A. Thurston, F. W. Wundenberg, and H. Waterhouse. Another special reported that Messrs. Thurston and Colburn had visited A. P. Peterson’s house early that morning, but could not learn what their course of action was, but something serious was under foot.

On receipt of these reports, more special officers were detailed to procure further information, and report as soon as possible. I then sent immediately for Capt. Nowlien, and telephoned for Mr. Peterson, the attorney general, and arranged for a meeting of the cabinet at the police station. On Capt. Nowlien’s arrival I imparted to him the information I had received, and requested him to prepare and get the barracks and his men ready for active service, as it was evident these people (the Thurston faction) meant business. I also asked him to lay the state of affairs in town before Her Majesty, as I had to go myself to the police station immediately.

On my arrival there, I found everything in regular order and the men fully prepared for any emergency. The attorney-general arrived shortly after, as also did the other members of the cabinet. I laid before them the reports of the situation furnished me by my special officers. They were not much surprised at receiving such information as they were in possession of similar facts themselves and also of documentary evidence of the same, which Mr. Peterson produced and which I considered was sufficient cause for the arrest of these men on a charge of treason.

After a short consultation, I made a proposition to swear out warrants for the arrest of the ringleaders of the plot at once. The attorney-general objected to the proposition, giving the following reasons, stating that he had been called on by Minister Colburn and Mr. L. A. Thurston early that morning at about 6 or 6:30 a.m., who made a proposition to him showing a course of procedure fully prepared, which, if carried out, would cause the overthrow of the Queen and her Government, and the establishment of a Provisional Government in its place. That Thurston had then stated to Minister Colburn and himself that the American minister, Mr. Stevens, would support such a move with the United States troops from the U. S. S. Boston. And that he had also showed them a form or draft of a letter or request to be sent to Minister Stevens, requesting him to land the troops from the Boston, to assist Ministers Colburn and Peterson under the guise of maintaining order and protecting life and property, if they (Peterson and Colburn) would consent to sign it as attorney-general and minister of the interior.

I could see at once that this was a bait offered them to swallow to legalize the landing of the United States troops, and for them to nominally remain as cabinet officers of the Queen’s, but actually seceding from her and thus dividing the executive, so that they being still in authority would support the cause of the rebels, and it would be an easy task for them to accomplish their ends without risking their lives, as their rebellious act would be termed a legal resistance, and thus they held out these inducements to Messrs. Colburn and Peterson to become traitors to the Queen and her Government. Mr. Peterson also said that the arrest of these parties would precipitate a conflict with the United States troops, if Mr. Thurston’s statements were true, which he (Mr. Peterson) was satisfied they were, and that the troops would be landed in any case. I then said we can protest against their landing, and if they insist on landing for any other purpose than for that of protecting the United States consulate and legation, that this Government will resist them, and so, in other words, the United States would have to declare war against this Government, and 1 doubt whether they would fire a shot in that case, as I doubt that Minister Stevens has the authority to declare war against a friendly nation, and furthermore we are in a position to resist all the troops that can land, as their complement, all told, is not over 250 men, and not more than 175 of these could be landed at the outside.

We can oppose them now with over 500 men, two Gatling guns, and a battery of artillery of about 12 pieces (rifled Austrian breech-loaders), with six or seven hundred rounds of ammunition, shot, shell, and shrapnel, and about fifty or sixty thousand rounds for Springfield and Winchester rifles, to say nothing of what the volunteers may have. The ministry then decided to inquire from Minister Stevens himself how far he was supporting the plotters with the United States troops, and to seek advice from and consult with those prominent business men who were friendly to the Queen’s government, and also with the consuls and members of the diplomatic corps. Here our interview ceased for that morning, and Colburn, Cornwell, and Parker started off to arrange a meeting with those just mentioned for 2 p.m. that day.

When making my rounds about the city that afternoon in a hack with Mr. S. F. Chillingsworth, who became my deputy on the following day, while on our way down Nuuanu avenue I drew his attention as also that of the hackman when passing the United States legation to the presence of Messrs. L. A. Thurston, W. O. Smith, and A. S. Hartwell inside, and to that of Mr. C. L. Carter on horseback outside in the street apparently waiting for instructions. What were these people doing there, especially at that time on a Sunday, about 3 p.m. or a little after?

After returning to the office Mr. Colburn came along looking for W. O. Smith or Thurston. I told him I had just seen them at Minister Stevens’s (the United States legation). About 4 p.m. I saw posters being put up which the conspirators had drawn up and had printed that day, calling for a mass meeting on Monday afternoon, and signed “committee of safety.” I met the cabinet at dinner at the Hawaiian hotel, and they stated to me that the result of their meeting at 2 p.m. had been satisfactory, and that they had decided that the Queen should issue a proclamation in the morning to the effect that she would not attempt to promulgate a new constitution again, as a guarantee of good faith to the diplomatic and consular corps, and that the course of the cabinet had the support of the merchants and business men who had attended the meeting. They also informed me that they had arranged for another meeting at the attorney-general’s office for that evening at 8 o’clock.

After dinner, a little after 7 o’clock, we all left the hotel to go to the meeting at the attorney-general’s office, excepting Ministers Parker and Peterson, who proceeded to the United States Legation to see Minister Stevens in regard to the situation, and get some definite answer as to his action in the event of an uprising. The meeting did not take place until 8:30 p.m., although Messrs. Parker and Peterson returned from Mr. Stevens’s about 8 o’clock, as we waited for the arrival of the Hon. Paul Neumann. On his arrival at 8:30 o’clock the meeting opened for business. Mr. Peterson stated the object of the meeting was to devise ways and means to overcome the action of the conspirators in the event of an uprising. He also stated that he had been to see Mr. Stevens, the American minister, as to the stand he would take in regard to the conspirators, and the reply which Mr. Stevens had given Mr. Parker and himself was that he was ready to support a provisional government with United States troops from the Boston, which meant no doubt that he was against the continuance of the Queen’s government, and he also stated to me that I was a scoundrel. When asked the reason of this statement, he said that it was because I had arrested his coachman, a Chinese, and other matters which he did not specify. We then discussed the question of the Boston landing its troops in regard to its legality, violation of international laws, etc. The force we had at our disposal was also discussed, as were other matters, such as the propriety of holding a mass meeting, the proposed proclamation by the Queen and cabinet, the proposed Provisional Government by the conspirators, the subject of arms and ammunition, and other cognate matters.

More information was supplied here, as to the force and strength at the command of the Thurston faction. I proposed that the ringleaders should be arrested at once, and that all arms and ammunition in the town be seized, and, the island put under martial law till the arrests were effected. Messrs. Peterson and Neumann both objected, on the grounds that it would precipitate a conflict, as Minister Stevens had already declared himself, and that we must at all hazards avoid a conflict with the United States troops. A committee was appointed to draw up a resolution and to call a mass meeting in support of the cabinet’s action, and other matters. The meeting then adjourned, and the committee met at once for the transaction of their business.

After the meeting at the attorney-general’s office I went to the police station with those of my staff, and prepared a map and an outline of defense showing the outposts and the number of the men required to guard the town in the event of martial law being proclaimed by the Queen. The cabinet had concluded to make the police station their headquarters. The map also showed the number of pickets required for each guard, also the distance to and from all important buildings, as the station house, palace, barracks, Government buildings, and other strategic points also the U. S. S. Boston from the same points. The police station itself was safe from the line of fire of the Boston, as there were brick buildings full of sugar or other goods of a similar nature between the two spots, and the building was safe from being undermined, as the foundation is one solid mass of concrete from the coral of bed rock, and it would take months to undermine this, even with the most improved implements. As on the previous evening, I kept an extra guard at the police station all night. That night I received information that a caucus had been held at Mr. Henry Waterhouse’s.

The following Monday, the 16th, I received information that the committee of safety were to meet at Thurston’s office. I went over shortly afterwards to Mr. Thurston’s office and met him and asked of him what they intended to do to-day, and also said to him that they had gone too far, as the matter of the promulgation of a new constitution was now settled and there would be a proclamation issued by the Queen to that effect. Thurston said, “I am sorry tor the country, but what guaranty have we that this will not happen again. It is living on a volcano; there is no telling when it will explode.” At this, I said if the foreign representatives are satisfied with the proclamation, that you people should be, and also as long as I was there it would not occur again in that way. He then replied: “Suppose you were to die to-night, what then?” I said “That is going to extremes; you are unreasonable, and we can not come to any terms.” He said: “Charlie, it can not be helped now; it has gone too far and there is no one to blame but herself.” I said: “I am sorry we can not agree about that,” and left him. While I was talking with him I could see the members of the committee coming upstairs and going into the office formerly occupied by Mr. Frear, and close the door after entering. I then went over to the police station and gave instructions for the enlistment of men as special constables, and also sent an armed guard to the attorney-general’s office in charge of Capt. R. P. Waipa, to receive instructions from the attorney-general, Mr. A. P. Peterson.

At 10 a.m. a committee from the conspirators had a meeting with the cabinet in the foreign office. I sent for Capt. No when and told him to enlist volunteers and to send me 75 stand of Winchester repeating rifles, and for him to take what ammunition was wanted for the artillery (as it was then in my custody), and to get all the powder he required from the Government public powder magazine, and put it in the magazine at the barracks. By 12 m. the above was carried out and I had 700 men and over enrolled, mostly Hawaiians ready to take up arms in support of the Queen’s Government, and a reserve of about 500 men, mostly foreigners. At about 12:30 p.m. the Queen’s proclamation was printed and circulated throughout the city. It read as follows:

by authority.

Her Majesty’s ministers desire to express their appreciation for the quiet and order which has prevailed in this community since the events of Saturday, and are authorized to say that the position taken by Her Majesty in regard to the promulgation of a new constitution was under the stress of her native subjects. Authority is given for the assurance that any changes desired in the fundamental law of the land will be sought only by methods provided in this constitution itself. Her Majesty’s ministers request all citizens to accept the assurance of Her Majesty in the same spirit in which it is given.

Liliuokalani,

Samuel Parker,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.

W. H. Cornwell,
Minister of Finance.

John F. Colburn,
Minister of the Interior.

A. P. Peterson,
Attorney-General.

Iolani Palace, January 16, 1893.

As both mass-meetings were called for 2 p.m., I sent a squad of police to each place to preserve the peace and keep order if necessary. About 3:30 p.m. the meetings had both adjourned, and the city was quiet, there were no signs of any disturbance or disorder of any kind. The attendance at the Thurston meeting was reported to me by count as being between five and six hundred people, mainly foreigners, and that at the Palace Square was estimated as numbering about 3,000. Both meetings were conducted in a very orderly manner, and there was no call for the services of the police at either meeting.

The meeting at the new armory, on Beritania street, was presided over by the Hon. W. C. Wilder, a member of the Legislature, and was addressed in several inflammatory speeches against the Queen by the Hons. W. C. Wilder, L. A. Thurston, A. Young, and H. P. Baldwin, also by Messrs. H. P. Glade (the German consul), C. Bolte, J. Emmeluth, and R. J. Greene. No hint, however, was given of the proposal to change the form of Government, although the Queen’s proclamation was read and referred to as being of no value. The following resolutions were passed at the meeting:

(1) Whereas Her Majesty Liliuokalani, acting in conjunction with certain other persons, has illegally and unconstitutionally and against the advice and consent of the lawful executive officers of the Government, attempted to abrogate the existing constitution and proclaim a new one in subversion of the rights of the people;

(2) And whereas such attempt has been accompanied by threats of violence and bloodshed and a display of armed force, and such attempt and acts and threats are revolutionary and treasonable in character;

(3) And whereas Her Majesty’s cabinet have informed her that such contemplated action was unlawful and would lead to bloodshed and riot, and have implored and demanded of her to desist from and renounce such proposed action;

(4) And whereas such advice has been in vain, and Her Majesty has in a public speech announced that she was desirous and ready to promulgate such constitution, the same being now ready for such purpose, and that the only reason why it was not now promulgated was because she had met with unexpected obstacles and that a fitting opportunity in the future must be awaited for the consummation of such object, which would be within a few days;

(5) And whereas at a public meeting of citizens held in Honolulu on the 14th day of January instant, a committee of thirteen, to be known as the “committee of public safety,” was appointed to consider the situation and to devise ways and means for the maintenance of the public peace and safety and the preservation of life and property;

(6) And whereas such committee has recommended the calling of this mass meeting of citizens to protest against and condemn such action, and has this day presented a report to such meeting denouncing the action of the Queen and her supporters as being unlawful, unwarranted, in derogation of the rights of the people, endangering the peace of the community, and tending to excite riot and cause the loss of life and destruction of property:

Now, therefore, we, the citizens of Honolulu, of all nationalities, and regardless of political party affiliations, do hereby condemn and denounce the action of the Queen and her supporters;

And we do hereby ratify the appointment and indorse the action taken and report made by the said committee of safety; and we do hereby further empower such committee to further consider the situation and further devise such ways and means as may be necessary to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order and the protection of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii.

Many of those present did not vote, and I was informed that the enthusiasm and applause came only from those who were previously acquainted with the objects of the leaders and were instructed to applaud at the proper time and place.

At the meeting at Palace Square the assembled multitude were addressed by the Hons. A. Rosa, J. E. Bush, J. Nawahi, and R. W. Wilcox, who severally cautioned the people against any acts of violence or turbulence, and urged them to support the course of Her Majesty’s cabinet. The Queen’s proclamation was read and heartily indorsed by all present, and the following resolution was unanimously passed:

Resolved, That the assurance of Her Majesty, the Queen, contained in this day’s proclamation is accepted by the people as a satisfactory guaranty that the Government does not and will not seek any modification of the constitution by any other means than those provided in the organic law;

Resolved, That accepting this assurance the citizens here assembled will give their cordial support to the administration and indorse them in sustaining that policy.

A committee was appointed to present it to Her Majesty, which they immediately proceeded to do.

The meetings seemed to have been safety valves for letting loose whatever excess of feeling there may have been in the popular mind, for by 4 p.m. it seemed as if the dissatisfaction was all over, as there was scarcely anyone to be seen on the streets. It was like a calm after the storm. About 4:30 p.m. I got information that the Boston’s men were ordered to land. A watch was set to give the signal as soon as signs of activity should be shown on board the Boston, and in the meantime I sent for the cabinet. It was difficult to find them, not having seen or heard from them all day, and they could not be located as soon as they might have been.

About 4:40 p.m. the signal was given that the boats were being got ready on board the Boston, and that the artillery and gatling guns were being put into the boats, also the men were armed with small arms. At a little before 5 o’clock they were landed at the regular landing near Brewer & Co.’s and Charlton’s wharf. I therefore sent a messenger down to find out who permitted them to land, or requested them to do so. The messenger returned and stated that they did not know themselves, but that they were to receive their instructions from shore, and that Mr. C. L. Carter had just got there and was giving instructions to the officers, as he judged by their actions.

About this time the cabinet arrived at the station house, and I reported what had taken place to them. Mr. Cornwell suggested that Messrs. Parker and Colburn go and see Mr. Stevens and protest against such actions. They started on that errand at once, Mr. Cornwell remaining at the station house. A little after 5 p.m. the American forces marched from the boat landing along Queen street and turned up Fort street and halted at the corner of Merchant and Fort streets, two doors off of which is the United States consulate.

There were three companies of blue jackets with Springfield rifles or small arms, one company of blue jackets with the Gatling guns and artillery, and a company of marines in full arms, having a total strength of 150 to 155 men in all ranks, fully equipped for actual service, with full belts of ammunition, and the caissons attached to the artillery were also full. At this point the company of marines were left to occupy the consulate. A company of blue jackets were ordered to the United States legation, and the remaining companies were marched up Merchant street into Palace Square, thence along King street between the palace and the Government buildings, and were halted in front of Mr. Hopper’s residence, on the south corner of the palace inclosure, in full view of Her Majesty the Queen, about 200 yards away from the palace and the Government buildings. They remained there till after dusk, when they were marched out along King street to Mr. Atherton’s residence, a distance of about 600 yards, and then stopped until they had some light refreshments of bananas and lemonade. Afterwards they were marched back to town and took up quarters for the night at the Arion Hall, a building separated from the Government buildings by a lane known as Mililani street, about 20 feet wide, and not more than 200 yards directly in front of the Queen’s palace.

Messrs. Peterson, Parker, Colburn, and Corn well, after returning from the Government building, reported to me that Mr. Stevens had stated that he had landed the troops at the request of Mr. Thurston and the committee of safety, and that they (the cabinet) had protested against the landing of the troops, and requested the U. S. minister to withdraw the United States forces from the shore, but were refused or did not get any reply. Then the cabinet left me to attend another meeting of the Queen’s friends. After the meeting the attorney-general, Mr. Peterson, returned to the station house, and remained with me there during the night. At 11:30 p.m. a special officer reported to me that the conspirators were now recruiting at Klemme’s lodging house on Fort street, and that Mr. J. H. Fisher and J. B. Castle were there. I again proposed to Mr. Peterson to proclaim martial law in the morning and get out warrants for the arrest of the conspirators, and showed him a proclamation to that purpose, ready prepared for the signatures of the Queen and the governor of the island of Oahu. I also proposed placing an armed force in the Government building, but he thought that it was no use to send armed men there, as it was a bad building to defend, especially if Minister Stevens insists on continuing to support the conspirators, as we can not afford to fight the United States of America. Better let the matter rest until the morning and see what may develop.

Perfect quietness reigned through the city, there being a band concert at the hotel, which was attended by a large and peaceable crowd, as usual. The city was patrolled as usual by the regular police force, and, as before, I had a strong guard at the station house in case of a night attack. There were no unusual incidents during the night, with the exception of two fire alarms, neither serious, one a little before 12 m., and the other about 3 a.m., which were promptly extinguished by the fire department, which, by order of the cabinet, had been kept ready for immediate service ever since Saturday night, as also were the waterworks employés kept on duty in case these people might, in the fury of defeat or with a view of creating an occasion for the United States troops to interfere, attempt to create an incendiary scare. Every precaution was taken, by Her Majesty’s cabinet and every means that lay in their power was made use of to secure the protection of life and property, and nothing was lacking in this respect, so that nothing warranted the landing of troops from the Boston, as the Queen’s government was in a position to put down any insurrection if left without interference from any foreign power. On Tuesday, the 17th, everything appeared very quiet, so much so that I dismissed the extra guards at the police station, but I still kept on the watchers on the stores of the dealers in arms and ammunition.

About 9:30 a.m. I received information that a meeting was held at the residence of Mr. H. Waterhouse, at which were present H. Water-house, T. F. Lansing, S. B. Dole, W. R. Castle, C. L. Carter, J. H. Soper, F. W. Wundenberg, W. W. Hall, J. A. McCandless, J. Emmeluth, and a number of others. I afterwards learned from one who was present at that meeting that discussion of various plans was had, and a committee of three was appointed to personally confer with Minister Stevens, and received his direct and personal assurance that they would get the support of the United States troops if they went on with the affair. Messrs. Soper, Carter, and Waterhouse were the committee. They went over to the United States legation, which is on the premises adjoining that of Waterhouse, and returning immediately reported that Mr. Stevens had given them such assurance. At this meeting, also, Mr. S. B. Dole, was offered the presidency of the proposed Provisional Government. He said that he really was not an annexationist, and asked time to consider the proffer. The meeting adjourned to meet again in the morning to discuss matters, and appointed a committee to meet the Queen’s cabinet at 10 a.m. at the foreign office.

The conspirators had agreed to proclaim a Provisional Government to overthrow the Hawaiian monarchy perpetually, and place either Chief Justice Judd or Justice S. B. Dole at its head, and that they were to hold another meeting before noon. At 11 a.m. I was informed that they had concluded to accept S. B. Dole as president of the Provisional Government, and that they had a guarantee from Minister Stevens of his support, backed by the troops, and that they would make a move on the Government House at 3 p.m. and on the police station at 4 p.m. I also received information at the same time that they would rendezvous at the armory on Beritania street. I immediately sent for the cabinet, and also for Capt. Nowlien; Nowlien came, but there were no signs of the cabinet. I gave Capt. Nowlien instructions to have 25 or 50 men in the basement of the palace ready for immediate service, as I expected the conspirators would make an attempt this afternoon. I also explained that I had been waiting for the ministers or a word from them ever since morning, and had sent several messengers to them, but they were closeted in the foreign office in consultation, and had received in return promises to come or send me word, but as yet there had been no appearance of anything of the kind. Capt. Kowlien then went back to the palace to get ready, as I told him his men might be required to be sent to guard the Government building as soon as the cabinet finished their meeting there, and if so I would let him know. I then sent out word for all the volunteers to report for duty promptly at 12 noon at the station house, and called in all of the regular police who were off duty to be at the station house at once.

At 1 p.m. I had 224 men under arms, and more men were coming in than I could find guns for, and fresh volunteers were coming in so fast that I finally instructed my men in charge not to register any more, as we had more than enough already. A little after 2 p.m. the ministers came down to the station house, and a few minutes later word was sent in that a police officer had been shot by John Good. A little later the officer came down the street, supported by a brother officer and Mr P. M. Rooney to the station house. The officer, whose name was Leialoha, was at once attended to by Dr. C. A. Peterson, the police physician, who was on hand at the time. Leialoha was then sent to the Queen’s hospital. He was one of those who were on special detail, watching the stores of the dealers in arms and ammunition, and was shot in attempting to make the arrest of Mr Good, when he with others was removing firearms and ammunition in a wagon from the store of E. O. Hall & Son, limited, for the use of the insurgents. It was a very fortunate thing for Good and the others that the police on street duty were kept without fireams by my orders, as I had no desire to excite or terrify the people by any display of arms or armed men on the streets.

This occurrence, however, brought the people’s excitement up to fire-heat, and people of both natives and foreigners flocked down to the station house by the hundreds to volunteer, and were in such an excited state that I was compelled to close the doors of the station house, for fear that the mob of volunteers would interfere with the discipline of the men already under arms, and so begin a disturbance which would end in a conflict which foreign forces would call an opportunity to interfere in, under the pretence of upholding law and order. At 2:15 p.m. I received information that the conspirators were holding a meeting in W. O. Smith’s office, and about 2:45 p.m. Mr. C. J. McCarthy came down from the Government building and stated that a Provisional Government had been proclaimed, with Mr. S. B. Dole as president. This was confirmed shortly afterwards by Mr. F. P. Hastings, secretary of the foreign office, and also by Mr. E. Norrie.

Previous to the proclamation of the Provisional Government, the forces from the Boston were drawn up in line of battle under command of Capt. Wiltse, facing the side of the Government building, and that prior to the proclamation, Mr. C. L. Carter, one of the conspirators, afterwards one of the commissioners to Washington, rode up on horseback and handed a large official document to Capt. Wiltse. This contained his orders from Minister Stevens presumably. I received information a little later that the proclamation had been read by H. E. Cooper, a lawyer recently arrived in the country, who had been an unsuccessful candidate for the office of circuit judge, and that thirty-five of the men, known as the “Drei Hundred,” were then armed and in possession of the Government building.

After hearing of these actions of the now open rebels against Her Majesty and her Government, I proposed to the cabinet to send our armed forces out from all quarters, surround them, and shoot them down, as they were only a handful. Mr. Peterson, as before, urged that it would only accelerate a conflict with the United States troops, as he and Mr. Parker had been told by Mr. Stevens that the Provisional Government would be supported by the United States forces. On this the cabinet, with the cooperation of Messrs. E. C. Macfarlane, A. Rosa, and others, after consultation, decided to address a letter to Minister Stevens at once, to find out if he had recognized the Provisional Government. The letter was as follows:

Department of Foreign Affairs,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.

His Excellency John L. Stevens,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, etc.:

Sir: Her Hawaiian Majesty’s Government having been informed that certain persons to them unknown have issued proclamation declaring a Provisional Government to exist in opposition to Her Majesty’s Government, and having pretended to depose the Queen, her cabinet and marshal, and that certain treasonable persons at present occupy the Government building in Honolulu with an armed force, and pretending that your excellency, on behalf of the United States of America, has recognized such Provisional Government, Her Majesty’s Government asks respectfully: Has your excellency recognized said Provisional Government, and, if not, Her Majesty’s Government, under the above existing circumstances, respectfully requests the assistance of your Government in preserving the peace of the country. We have the honor to be your excellency’s obedient servants.

Samuel Parker,
Minister of Foreign Affairs,

Wm. H. Cornwell,
Minister of Finance,

John F. Colburn,
Minister of the Interior,

A. P. Peterson,
Attorney-General.

Honolulu, January 17, 1893.

The Hon. C. L. Hopkins was the bearer of the above communication to Minister Stevens, and was instructed to wait until he had received a reply. He returned to the station house with Mr. Stevens’ reply at about 3:30 p.m. or later, and handed it to the attorney-general. It was shown me by Mr. E. C. Macfarlane, and was substantially to this effect:

That he acknowledged the receipt of the letter from the cabinet, and that a Provisional Government had been duly constituted in the place of the Queen’s Government, and that that Government was in possession of the Government building, the treasury and the Government archives, and was in control of the islands; and that he recognized that Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands. He signed this simply as John L. Stevens, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States.

The governor of the island of Oahu sent the following protest against the landing of the troops from the U. S. S. Boston on the evening of the 16th of January:

Office Governor of Oahu,
Honolulu, January 16, 1893.

Sir: It is my duty to solemnly protest to your excellency against the landing this evening without permission from the proper authorities of an armed force from the United States ship Boston. Your excellency well knows that when you have desired to land naval forces of the United States for the purpose of drill, permission by the local authorities has been readily accorded. On the present occasion, however, the circumstances are different, and ostensibly the present landing is for the discharge of functions which are distinctly responsible duties of the Hawaiian Government. Such being the case, I am compelled to impress upon your excellency the international questions involved in the matter and the grave responsibility thereby assumed.

While solemnly protesting to your excellency against this unwarrantable proceeding to which I have referred,

I have the honor to remain, sir, your excellency’s obedient and humble servant,

A. S. Cleghorn,
Governor of Oahu.

His Excellency John L. Stevens,
Envoy Extraordinary arid Minister Plenipotentiary United States of America.

Minister Stevens’s reply to Governor Cleghorn was as follows:

United States Legation,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.

Sir: Yours of yesterday, the 16th, regarding the landing of the United States naval forces in Honolulu, is received. I have carefully read its terms and import. My responsibility as the United States minister plenipotentiary at this critical time in Hawaiian affairs it is impossible for me to ignore. I assure you that in whatever responsibility the American diplomatic and naval representatives have assumed or may assume, we shall do our utmost to regard the welfare of all present and interests concerned.

Yours sincerely, and with the kindest consideration,

John L. Stevens,

Hon. A. S. Cleghorn,
Governor of Oahu.

About 4 p.m. a committee from the Provisional Government met Her Majesty’s cabinet, and made a proposition for the settlement of the crisis. After the committee meeting Mr. S. M. Damon, on behalf of the rebels, made demand on me to surrender, which I refused to do. He said that Her Majesty’s cabinet were willing that I should do so on the following terms, which he proposed, viz: That the Queen be deposed under protest, and remain in her palace with her guards until the affair was settled by decision of the United States Government. I stated to Mr. Damon and Mr. Macfarlane, who accompanied him, that if Her Majesty and the ministers were satisfied with those terms I would surrender, but only on the written order of the whole cabinet, approved by Her Majesty; and that unless I received such order in writing I would fight first, and would commence operations at once and order Captain Nowlien, who was awaiting orders, to open fire at once from our artillery on the Government building, and that the Boston’s men must keep out of harm’s way or suffer the consequences. They then left me to meet the cabinet again, and said they would let me know later. About 5:30 or 6 p.m. Messrs. Peterson and Macfarlane returned and handed me the following written order from the cabinet:

C. B. Wilson, Esq.,
Marshal of the Kingdom,

You are hereby authorized to surrender to the so-called Provisional Government this day established, headed by S. B. Dole, esq., the police station and Oahu prison and Government property in your possession or under your control.

Dated at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893.

Liliuokalani R.

Samuel Parker,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.

John F. Colburn,
Minister of the Interior.

Wm. H. Corn well,
Minister of Finance.

A. P. Peterson,
Attorney-General.

However, I did not make up my mind to give in finally until about 7 p.m. About 6 p.m. martial law was proclaimed by the Provisional Government. About 6.30 p.m. or later the cabinet returned to the station house in company with Messrs. E. C. Macfarlane, P. Neumann, A. Rosa, and others, and we held a council over the situation, as I was not yet quite satisfied what was the best course to pursue. On the advice of the cabinet and the above-mentioned gentlemen I gave way, and surrendered under the terms of the Queen’s protest, which was shown me by the cabinet. It was as follows:

I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain persons claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this Kingdom.

That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister plenipotentiary, his excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said Provisional Government.

Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps the loss of life, I do under this protest and impelled by said force yield my authority until such time as the Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo the action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.

Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D., 1893.

Liliuokalani R.

Samuel Parker,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Wm. H. Cornwell,
Minister of Finance.

Jno. F. Colburn,
Minister of the Interior.

A. P. Peterson,
Attorney-General.

To S. B. Dole, Esq., and others composing the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.

This was received by Mr. Dole on behalf of the Provisional Government, and indorsed as follows:

Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 17th day of January, 1893.

Sanford B. Dole,
Chairman of Executive Council of Provisional Government.

About 7:15 p.m. I disarmed all the volunteers I had under my command at the station house, and in dismissing them to their homes I made a few remarks to them explaining the situation, that in order to save useless bloodshed Her Majesty had, on the advice of her cabinet, determined to submit to the United States force, and that she had ordered me to submit also and surrender the arms, ammunition, and other Government property to the Provisional Government, awaiting the decision of the United States, and that I would recommend them to go quietly to their homes and say or do nothing to cause any trouble to or irritation on the part of those now in power. They promised this unanimously and gave three hearty cheers. Mr. Peterson, the attorney-general, also made a few remarks, showing that it was not cowardice or fear on the part of those in authority that had caused them to take this action but simply the action of the United States representative and troops, with whom we desired no conflict. Mr. Neumann and others also spoke in the same strain, and after giving three hearty cheers again, the men dispersed quietly.

About 7:30 p.m., Messrs. J. H. Soper and J. A. McCandless came to the station house, and I formally delivered to Mr. Soper, as commander-in-chief of the Provisional Government’s forces, representing the Provisional Government, the police station and the munitions of war stored therein. At about 8 p.m., a detachment of the Provisional Government’s troops took possession. In the meantime, I introduced Mr. Soper to the regular police force as the person from whom they must take their orders in the future, in the following speech, which was interpreted to the men by Capt. A. S. Mahaulu:

Officers and members of the police force of Honolulu: It is with deep regret that I have to infom you that I have been requested by Her Majesty the Queen and her cabinet to surrender to Mr. Soper, commander in chief of the forces of the Provisional Government, ail arms and ammunition, the police station, and all property under my control.

Gentlemen, it is not because I thought that you would not stand and fight, it is not because I could not trust you, and not because I was afraid that we would not win if we did fight, it was not for any of those causes, but it was in the cause of humanity that I gave way, especially when it was pointed out to me that we would have to fight a great nation like the United States with her millions of men, and to do this would only cause the sacrifice of hundreds of valuable human lives, which this country can not afford to lose without achieving finally the result we hope for. But, gentlemen, I was perfectly satisfied that you were ready, nay, more than ready, willing to stay by me in the defense of our Queen and country. I am satisfied if we had had a conflict to-day with the rebels we would have won, notwithstanding the aid of the Boston’s men; but what would have been the result? We would have been forced to give way in the end, after having caused a great loss of life, and among the victims would have been many of our personal friends, and perhaps ourselves. It is better, therefore, to give way to the forces of the United States, and await patiently the time until our Queen’s protest shall have been heard by that great and good nation, the American Republic, from which I have no doubt we will receive justice, and that they will have restored to us our country and Government.

In conclusion, gentlemen, I thank you for your attention, and especially for obedience to orders and instructions during my incumbency, and for the loyalty to your Queen and country you have always shown, but especially to-day. And I ask of you all to remain in the police force, to be as loyal to my successor as you have been to me, and to assist him and the new Government in perserving the peace and in maintaining law and order. With these words, I thank you again for your attention. Aloha.

The men then gave three hearty cheers, after which Mr. Soper took formal charge of the police station and made a short address to the men. This concluded the events of the day as far as I was personally concerned, and I went to my home.

On Wednesday morning Her Majesty received a verbal message from the executive and advisory councils, through her chamberlain, to the effect that it was the desire of the councils that she should move from the palace to Washington Place, her private residence, on Beritania street; and also, that the royal standard was not to be hoisted. The above action was contrary to the terms of the surrender. At about 11 o’clock a.m. Her Majesty went out for a drive and did not again return to the palace.

Respectfully submitted.

C. B. Wilson.

May 15, 1893.