Mr. Young to Mr. Frelinghuysen.
Peking, January 20, 1885. (Received March 16.)
Sir: I have the honor to inclose a copy of a dispatch from Mr. Consul Seymour at Canton. Mr. Seymour forwards to the legation copies of inflammatory publications in Chinese text issued in Canton, intended to incense the people against the foreigner, and more particularly natives who have become Christians. These are sold about the streets, and at this time, with the public mind incensed against France, and disposed as the people are to confound all foreigners with Frenchmen, do harm. As a specimen, I annex a summarized translation of a memorial from the imperial commissioner to the throne, which has gone into general circulation. The memorialist, an official of very high rank, alleges that Christianity is only accepted by “loafers or men of no occupation, greedy of a little gain.”
He furthermore says that “bad characters and pettifoggers join Christian churches to escape the laws of their country. Out of this come troubles, and, at times, outbreaks.” The memorialist admits that it is impossible to prevent the missionaries from making converts, but, while preventive means so far as disseminating Christian ideas are impossible, there might be measures of restriction. Chinese converts to Christianity should be registered. Small tablets bearing in Chinese characters the word “Christian” should be nailed over the door of each convert’s home. They should wear a distinctive dress—a short coat, not a long one. As nothing could be more mortifying to a Chinaman than to compel him to change his long garment for a short one, as the change would be virtually putting upon the converts a stigma or a brand, the memorialist naively adds that “this will move them to shame, and thus break off the means of obtaining converts.”
It would be difficult, considering the oriental character as well as the manners and customs of the Chinese, to devise a more ingenious and effectual method of persecution than this. In reading it it is only just to the Chinese memorialist to remember the methods adopted in former times and in Western lands for the conversion of the Hebrew race and the extirpation of various forms of “heresy.” Such a recommendation, however, coming from an imperial commissioner, and addressed to the throne, naturally, as Mr. Seymour informs the legation, made an unfortunate impression upon the Chinese, and caused much anxiety to foreign teachers and others engaged in mission work. An address by way of protest was prepared by the representatives of three of the missions in Canton, British, German, and American, to be forwarded to the respective legations in Peking. A copy of this I inclose.
In this address the missionaries protest against the allegation of the memorialist, that they interfere with the administration of Chinese justice in the courts or prisons. They deny that they have ever aimed to establish any right of asylum, as it were, in their churches, chapels, or [Page 148] religious houses, the effect of which being to secure for the Chinese Christians exemption from the laws. They claim simply that Chinese Christians shall be treated as Mohammedans, Buddhists, or Confucians, as loyal subjects of the Empire, and not as aliens or rebels.
Mr. Seymour, as I have said, does not give a pleasant impression as to the policy pursued at Canton by the imperial commissioner, but charges him directly with having twice aroused the populace to hostile demonstrations against foreign residents and native Christians.
As the address of the missionaries was likewise sent to my colleagues of the English and German legations, I conferred with them as to the joint action appropriate under the circumstances. The indisposition of one of my colleagues prevented its immediate consideration, but I trust we shall be able to enter upon its discussion in a day or two. I expressed my willingness in conversation with Sir Harry Parkes to unite in an earnest remonstrance to the yamên.
The subject is one of the most difficult attending our relations with China. Questions are continually arising as to the status of native converts to Christianity. In dealing with them we are met with the consideration which it is difficult to answer, namely, the right of the Emperor to do what he pleases with his own subjects. While this might be conceded as a general proposition, the treaties are clear upon the subject. And in the treaties, whenever there is an expressed covenant, we must find our only tenable ground for dealing with the Chinese authorities.
In the treaty of 1858, signed by my predecessor, Mr. Reed, Article XXIX declares that—
The principles of the Christian religion as professed by the Protestant and Roman Catholic Churches, are recognized as teaching, men to be good, and to do to others as they would have others do to them.
The Emperor of China, in this convention, accordingly engages that those who “quietly profess and teach those doctrines shall not be harassed or persecuted on account of their faith.” It is furthermore declared—
That any person, whether citizen of the United States or Chinese convert, who, according to these tenets, peaceably teaches or practices the principles of Christianity, shall in no case be interfered with or molested.
In the Russian treaty of 1858, provisions not only for the protection of Russians in the observance of their faith, but also for the protection of Chinese converts to the Russian faith, are even more explicit than in the American treaty:
Le gouvernement Chinois ayant reconnu que la doctrine chrétienne facilite l’établissemeut de l’ordre et de la concorde entre les hommes, promet de ne pas persécuter ses sujets chrétiens pour l’exercice des devoirs de leur religion; ils jouiront de la protection accordée à tous ceux qui professent les autres croyances tolérées dans l’Empire. Le gouvernement Chinois considérant les missionnaires Chrétiens comme des hommes de bien qui ne cherchent pas davantages matériels, leur permettra de propager le Christianisine parmi ses sujets, et ne leur empêchera pas de circuler dans l’intérieur de l’Empire. Un nombre fixe de missionnaires partant des villes ou ports ouverts sera muni de passeports signés par les antorités Russes.*
These provisions are emphatic enough so far as they affirm the duty of the Emperor of China to protect Christian missionaries and converts. Stipulations to the same effect are found in the conventions with Great Britain, Germany, Belgium, Denmark, Holland, Italy, France, and Spain. The provision of the French treaty, especially as it appears in a translation from the Chinese text, is more comprehensive and precise, and worthy of consideration, considering our rights under the favored-nation clause:
Art. VI. It shall be promulgated throughout the length and breadth of the land, in the terms of the imperial edict of the 20th February, 1846, that it is permitted to all people in all parts of China to propagate and practice the teaching of the Lord of heaven; to meet together for the preaching of the doctrine; to build churches and to worship; further, all such as indiscriminately arrest (Christians) shall be duly punished; and such churches, schools, cemeteries, lands, and buildings as were owned on former occasions by persecuted Christians shall be paid for, and she money handed to the French representative at Peking, for transmission to the Christians in the localities concerned. It is in addition permitted to French missionaries to rent and purchase land in all the provinces, and to erect buildings thereon at pleasure.
France has taken special interest in the missionary question, as upon her practically devolves the protection of the members, of the Roman Catholic communion. The members of this communion—native converts, I mean—so far as I can learn, are largely in excess of those of any other Christian body. We must remember, however, that for generations the Roman Propaganda has taken a deep interest in China, and had it not been for the persecutions of suspicious sovereigns would now, in all probability, be as strongly established as Mohammedanism. How far the unfortunate suspicions of the sovereigns—leading, as they did, to such unhappy consequences—were aroused by an indiscreet energy on the part of the early missionaries of the Roman Church, history leaves as a matter of speculation. As they were generally members of the Society of Jesus, we know enough of the profound and courageous policy of that venerable order to be assured that there was no lack of zeal on the part of its representatives in China. I have seen nothing in the Chinese character or philosophy to show that either rulers or people have religious antipathies. Among the ruling classes the feeling does not exist. As a general rule these high officials are Confucians, and there could be no creed more tolerant than that taught by the illustrious teacher.
There are practical difficulties in the dissemination of the Christian faith, whether in Roman, Greek, or Protestant form, worthy of consideration in looking at the political or diplomatic aspects of such questions as this which comes from Canton. The “conversion” of a Chinaman means more than is understood in the accepted meaning of that word. The convert has so much to learn, so much to forget. If conversion were simply the acceptance of a new dogma, or learning a new creed, or the acceptance of a new system of theological speculation, the labor of teaching would be simple. There are points of agreement in doctrine and tradition between existing forms of faith in the West, which make easy the teaching of any special form of Christianity. Even in Islam you see a dependence upon the Hebrew Scriptures. But I have found no vestige of that influence in the religious systems of China, and, more especially, nothing in the manners or the customs of the people to make the Mosaic dispensation agreeable. For a Chinaman to accept Christianity involves so complete a surrender of all that belongs to his education, his theory of government and society, his views of nature, his ancestral worship, his domestic relations, and his modes of life, that it is a wonder that a convert is ever made.
[Page 150]So far as I can see, converts come from the humbler classes. I am gradually coming to the opinion that there are few instances where conversion is not associated with a sentiment of self-interest. The missionary does not come simply with a Bible in his hands. He brings other bread than the Bread of Life. He looks after the sick; he takes the maimed and the halt into a hospital and nurses them. He strives to avert pestilence and famine. The children are taken into schools, which practically means shelter, clothing, and food. The pious women at the mission stations have access to Chinese homes, and gradually establish a practical influence of a domestic character in Chinese family life. In a country so populous and so poor, with the dread of famine ever present; where the question of mere subsistence for millions is paramount; where food and shelter are chief considerations; where even clothing is a secondary matter, a propaganda which not only offers food and shelter, but medicine and counsel and friendly aid, cannot but advance. I see no other way in which advancement is possible. Naturally, however, it is only the poor—the very poor—who are converted.
I have made this digression for the purpose of establishing two points. The first is the difficulties attending mission work in China, and that Christianity, seeking so radical a change in Chinese life, makes its advance even in its mildest forms an aggressive influence. The second is, that the ruling classes have no sympathy with it, and would regard with indifference the spread of the gospel so long as there was no fear that the new faith would be used for political purposes.
The only Chinese statesman within my knowledge who has shown any interest in the missionary work, or any desire to aid it, is the viceroy Li. This arose from the fact that a medical member of one of the missionary boards in Tien-Tsin was enabled, at a critical time, when the viceroy’s wife was ill, to save her life. This awakened in the mind of Li a sentiment of interest and gratitude. From this has come much good so far as the protection of missionary interests in the north is concerned.
Apart from the fact that China always looks upon everything new with suspicion, and that the character of the people is as unimpressible as granite, I believe that no country could be more tolerant of a religious propaganda. There is no faith, for instance, more aggressive than that of Mohammed. Islam taught that paradise was to be found under the shadow of the sword. And yet Mohammedanism has millions of believers in China. They keep their customs, and differ from other Chinese in some slight peculiarities of costume; but they are essentially a part of the Chinese nation. It has taken generations to bring about this assimilation, and I am afraid other generations must come and go before the gentler faith of Jesus achieves its due dominion.
If it be true that China looks with indifference upon the efforts to spread the gospel, why these persecutions in Canton? The reasons are political, not religious. China is at this time swayed by one antipathy—hatred of France. In this dense and ignorant community all foreigners are alike. The rulers know better; but the intelligence of the yamên is not generally found in a tea-house or on the highway. Our friends, therefore in Canton and elsewhere, have to submit to the fact that, in the eyes of many classes of Chinese, they are a part of the movement which disturbs the peace of China and threatens the integrity of the Empire.
All that we can do is in the first place to take means for the protection of our people. Admiral Davis has done all that he can do with his small naval force. In this, as the Department knows, the admiral has [Page 151] been in accord with the commanders-in-chief of other squadrons. Canton, ever since the riot in 1883, has been under the guns of American and other men-of-war.
As you are aware from previous dispatches, the question of the protection of the open ports when war threatened was made the subject, of careful and minute preparations. Since these arrangements were consummated the legation has had no anxiety about the safety of our people. Admiral Davis has done his share loyally in carrying out the agreement between the powers referred to in my dispatch No. 318, dated January 6, 1884. Although but one American resides in Newchwang, an American gunboat is now there, and will remain frozen in all winter. But while Admiral Davis is protecting other nationalities in Newchwang, the ships of other powers protect Americans elsewhere.
Having therefore done all that we can to protect the ports, we have not failed to demand from the yamên protection for the interior. The amplest assurance has been given in a decree from the throne, as reported in my dispatch No. 505, dated September 7, 1884. I have no reason to doubt the good faith of the Chinese authorities in the enforcement of that decree. As was seen in Canton, as has been seen in nations claiming a higher civilization than China, it is not the authorities we have to fear. There may be an outbreak in Kuangsi, for which the yamên would be no more responsible than the Cabinet of Washington for a negro election tight in Texas or an Indian massacre in Montana.
The dangers of these outbreaks I do not mean to belittle. There is no point where the danger is more imminent or where the foreign population is more helpless than in Peking. There are, perhaps, a hundred foreigners resident here, including missionaries of the Protestant, Roman Catholic, and Greek churches, frozen in for the winter. We could not reach the seaboard in two weeks. There are two small gunboats at Tien-Tsin, German and Russian, but of no protection to us. We are absolutely at the mercy of the Chinese troops or even of Chinese mobs; and, although the question has not been regarded without concern as a practical fact, I have never heard any one question the sincerity of the authorities in their declaration to protect all foreign residents, even the French. I have not heard that any French have left Peking, except the members of the legation, and they are in Shanghai.
I have troubled you with what the Department may regard as unnecessary observations; but I am anxious that you should appreciate the importance attached by the legation to the gravity of the problem which comes again to us from Canton. There will be no difficulty in the foreign ministers asking from the yamên a loyal observance by the Canton officials of the decree from the throne, and a rebuke of the imperial commissioner for his incendiary publication. So long as war threatens there will be no want of care on the part of the naval vessels. Beyond this I do not see what can be done. A great deal will depend upon the tact, courtesy, and forbearance of foreigners themselves in dealing with the Chinese, and especially those engaged in missionary work. There may be annoyances, insults, disturbances, perhaps causes for anxiety.
The history of Christianity shows that those who follow the cross must sometimes bear the cross, especially in teaching and preaching the gospel. We shall do all that is possible for their protection, with the hope that nothing more than our good will towards that end will be required.
I have, &c.,
- The Chinese Government having recognized that the Christian doctrine facilitates the establishment of order and of concord among men, promises not to persecute its Christian subjects for the exercise of their religious duties; they shall enjoy the protection granted to all those who profess other creeds tolerated in the Empire. The Chinese Government, considering missionaries as good men, seeking for no material advantages, will permit them to propagate Christianity among its subjects, and will not prevent them from moving about in the interior of the Empire. A certain number of missionaries leaving open towns or ports shall be provided with passports signed by the Russian authorities.↩
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That this is done by the Chinese authorities we have frequent proof. E. g., the following from a proclamation by the provincial judge, dated 21st of seventh month of the present year:
“As to the ignorant people who are followers of Christianity, they are also our subjects. If they return and repent they will be permitted to purge themselves.
“As to how they will be treated, the mandarins will hold the balance (justly).”
[Eight Chinese signatures.]
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