No. 194.
Mr. Sargent to Mr. Frelinghuysen.
Berlin, April 19, 1883. (Received May 9.)
Sir: On the 14th instant the Emperor sent a special message to the Reichstag, which, from its contents, as well as from the rarity of such messages from him, has caused considerable excitement. I have heretofore stated that it is the desire of the chancellor to secure biennial budgets from the imperial Parliament, and that this body, at its present session, has refused to accede to that measure. A feature of the chancellor’s policy, furthermore, has been to procure the enactment of an accident insurance law, for the purpose of “protecting laboring men from the perilous consequences of incapacity to work, resulting from accidents,” and thus tend to draw away the laboring classes from assisting the efforts of the social democracy. The Emperor has taken great interest in the series of measures of which this is one, and wishes to finish his reign with measures of humanity and providence extended to the humbler classes, which will at once ameliorate their condition, and win their gratitude and support for the Empire: Under these conditions [Page 376] he sent a special message to the Reichstag, of which the following is the purport:
The Emperor has at all times regarded it as his first duty to devote the same solicitude to thecondition of the working classes in the Empire as had been displayed since the beginning of the century by the Prussian Kings towards the working classes in Prussia. In the promulgation of the socialist law, and again in his message of November 17, 1881, the Emperor gave expression to his conviction that legislation should not be restricted to police and penal measures, but should also introduce reforms for the benefit of the workingmen. The abolition of the two lowest grades of the class tax in Prussia must be regarded as the first result of the Emperor’s efforts in this direction. His Majesty is glad to see the great progress made under the sick-fund law, but entertains some anxiety as to the “insurance agaiust accident bill,” as with its failure to pass would disappear any hope of carrying next session the bill making provision for the aged and invalid poor. For this reason the budget for 1884–’85 will be at once submitted to the Reichstag, so as to leave next session free for the consideration of measures dealing with the social condition of the people.
He further adverts to his great age, and asks to see progress made in these beneficent measures during his lifetime.
When it is observed that the message purports to advise the Reichstag what business it shall first do, and second, to pass the budget of two years hence, when it has just passed that of the next year, and refused to consider the budget of 1884–’85, it may be seen why there was excitement in the Reichstag, and discussions in the public press. The Liberal groups regard the imperial message as a direct and exceptional intervention of the sovereign in the affairs of the Reichstag; and, while any language that may be employed will be very respectful towards the Emperor, who is loved by all classes, there will undoubtedly be high debate upon the whole matter.
Meanwhile the Liberal papers are expressing their views within these limitations. The Emperor is spoken of respectfully, and the best of motives are conceded to him, and a wish expressed to aid him in gilding the remaining years of his life with any practical measures for the benefit of the poorer classes. But they object to imperial dictation to the Reichstag as to what business it shall first do. They object to the proposition to pass a budget in advance, saying the experience of one year is necessary in fixing the budget of a succeeding year, and this light can only be had in the last quarter of the closing year that this proposition has been rejected in principle at this session; that after the budget is obtained the Government can dispense with the Reichstag. They further object that the Emperor, as King of Prussia, might address such considerations to the local Prussian legislature, but he is not the sovereign of Germany; that he is the mere chief of its rulers, the united Government being the sovereign, and one body of the imperial legislature, the Bundesrath, represents directly the other Kingdom. They further object that the scheme in question is impracticable, in that the Reichstag is not convinced that there is sufficient provision in it for an insurance fund, and it will break down. One Liberal paper alleges that this message is inspired by the chancellor to remove the bad impression against the conservatives caused by their advocacy of a system of books to be kept by workmen, in which the last employé shall always enter the reasons for the last discharge—a system of “ticket of leave,” as say the workmen, who ask why the employer also should not be compelled to keep such books for the entries of the workmen’s views concerning them. The Cologne Gazette confesses itself unable to dismiss a bad impression created by the message, viz, that the chancellor and the united Government did not earlier know how much at heart the Emperor holds this insurance bill, and so have refrained from urging some other measures which have taken weeks of time that might have [Page 377] been devoted to this subject at the present session. Meanwhile the budget for 1884–’85 is before the Bundesrath, and will be laid before the Eeichstag, following the suggestions of the message.
These various motives of opposition are alleged, and it would seem so far that, while the Emperor has thus shown his sympathy for the working classes, and his confidence in socialistic measures for their relief, there is much doubt of real progress being made towards the adoption of these projects.
The bill recommended by the Emperor maybe found translated in full in Foreign Relations for 1881, page 455, save that a few alterations in the details have been adopted.
I have, &c.,