No. 103.
The vice-president of the government of the national defense, minister of foreign affairs, to the minister of Frame at Washington.
Sir: The events which have just taken place at Paris explain themselves so well by the inexorable logic of facts that it is useless to dwell at length upon their meaning and scope.
Yielding to an irresistible impulse, too long restrained, the people of Paris have obeyed a higher law, that of their own safety; they have not been willing to perish with the criminal power which was leading France to destruction; they have not declared the downhill of Napoleon III and of his dynasty; they have registered it in the name of right and justice and of the public safety, and this sentence was so well ratified in advance by the consciences of all, that no one, even among the most noisy defenders of the falling power, has arisen to sustain it; it has sunk itself under the weight of its faults, amid the acclamations of an immense people, without a drop of blood having been shed, without a person’s having been deprived of his liberty; and we have seen a thing, unheard of in history, the citizens, to whom the cry of the people confided the perilous task of fighting and conquering, not giving a moment’s uneasiness to the adversaries, who yesterday threatened them with military execution. It is by refusing them the honor of any repression that they have plainly shown their blindness and impotence. Order has not been disturbed for a single moment. Our confidence in the wisdom and patriotism of the national guard and of the entire population permits us to assert that it will not be.
Delivered from the shame and danger of living under a government which was recreant to all its duties, every one understands that the first act of this national sovereignty, reconquered at last, is to command itself, and to seek its strength in respect for the law. Moreover, time is pressing; the enemy is at our gates; we have but one thought—to drive him from our territory. But this obligation, which we resolutely accept, has not been imposed upon France by us; France would not now be under this obligation if our voice had been heard. We have energetically defended, even at the expense of our popularity, the policy of peace; we shall persevere in doing so, with a still deeper conviction. Our heart bleeds at the sight of these inhuman massacres, whereby the flower of two nations is destroyed, which, with a little good sense and a great deal of liberty, would have been saved from these frightful catastrophes. We have no words to describe our admiration for our heroic army, sacrificed by the incompetency of the commander-in-chief, and yet rendered greater by its defeats than by the most brilliant victories; for, notwithstanding its knowledge of the faults which imperiled it, it has sublimely advanced to certain death, redeeming the honor of France from the stains brought upon it by its government. Honor to it! The nation opens its arms to it. The imperial power has sought to divide them; misfortunes and duty unite them in a solemn embrace, sealed by patriotism and liberty. This alliance renders us invincible. Prepared for everything, we calmly contemplate the situation which is presented to us. I will state this situation in a few words, and submit my statement to my country and to Europe: We openly denounce war, and, protesting our respect for the rights of nations, we asked that Germany should be left mistress of her destinies; we desired that liberty [Page 140] should be at once our common bond and our common shield. We were convinced that these moral forces insured forever the maintenance of peace; but, by way of enforcement, we demanded a weapon for each citizen, a civic organization, and chosen chiefs. We should then have remained invulnerable on our own soil. The imperial government, which had long before separated its interests from those of the country, rejected this policy. We resume it, with the hope that, having been taught by experience, France will have the wisdom to practice it.
On his part the King of Prussia has declared that he was making war, not against France, but against the imperial dynasty. The dynasty lies prostrate. Free France rises. Does the King of Prussia desire to continue an impious struggle which will be at least as fatal to him as to us? Does he desire to give to the world of the nineteenth century the cruel spectacle of two nations destroying one another, and which, forgetful of humanity, of reason, of science, pile up ruins and corpses? He may take his choice. Let him assume this responsibility to the world and to history. If it is a challenge, we accept it. We will not yield an inch of our territory, nor a stone of our fortresses. A disgraceful peace would soon be followed by a war of extermination; we will only treat for a durable peace. Herein lies our interest, and that of all Europe. We have reason to hope that, freed from every dynastic bias, the question will be thus put to the chanceries. But even if we must stand quite alone, we will not be discouraged. We have a resolute army, well-supplied forts, strong walls, but above all, the breasts of three hundred thousand fighting men, ready to hold out to the last. When they go piously to place garlands at the feet of the statue in Strasburg, they not only obey a sentiment of enthusiastic admiration, they take their heroic watch-word, they swear to be worthy of their brothers of Alsace, and to die like them. After the forts, the ramparts; after the ramparts, the barricades. Paris can hold out for three months, and conquer. If it should fall, France, rising at its call, would avenge it. It would continue the struggle, and the aggressor would perish. This, sir, is what Europe ought to know. We have not accepted power with any other object. We would not retain it a minute if we did not find the population of Paris, and of all France, resolved to aid in carrying out this plan. I sum up our resolutions in one word. Before God, who hears us—before posterity, which will judge us, we only desire peace; but if a destructive war, which we have denounced, be continued against us, we will do our duty to the end. I firmly trust that our cause, which is that of right and justice, will finally triumph.
It is in this sense that I desire you to explain the situation to his excellency the Secretary of State, in whose hands you will place a copy of this document.
Accept, sir, the expression of my high consideration.