Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the Third Session of the Fortieth Congress
Mr. Plumb to Mr. Seward.
Sir: As presenting what may be considered the almost universal public sentiment at present existing in this country with regard to the renewal of diplomatic relations with European powers, I transmit herewith translation of an editorial article upon that subject which appeared in the leading journal of this city, the Siglo XIX, on the 13th instant, and bears the signature of the editor-in-chief, Mr. Francisco Zarco, formerly minister of foreign affairs under President Juarez, and lately president of congress, and now one of the most prominent members of that body, as also probably the most influential of the newspaper writers of the republic.
While this article may not altogether express the views of the government, its action may doubtless be influenced to a great extent by deference to prevailing public sentiment.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
Foreign relations of Mexico.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The republic, since its triumph over foreign usurpation, has been found deprived of all kinds of diplomatic relations with the European powers. From such situation there has not resulted any evil to the country, nor to the foreigners who reside in it. The government has been free from the pressure which the legations of Europe have always pretended to exercise, and foreigners have been favored and protected by the Mexican laws and authorities, it being noted that the insolence of those pretensions, which had for their object to create a situation superior to that of the natives of the country, and to claim indemnizations for losses originating in fortuitous cases, has diminished.
If diplomatic relations have ceased, that is to say, the relations of governmens with government by means of legations, there have not been interrupted the relations between people and people, which consist in navigation and in commerce. Mexico has declared by the organ of its supreme authorities that it considers as broken the treaties which united it with all the powers that recognized the so-called empire; but it has declared, [Page 571] also, that its laws protect all foreigners, and that its ports are open to the commerce of the entire world.
This conduct—dignified, prudent, and moderate—has given good results. It is true that in Europe they continue propagating calumnies against our country, but it is also true that our most bloody enemies are obliged to recognize that the government makes laudable efforts to establish regular order, that the republic in the hour of triumph has been generous and magnanimous with its enemies, and that foreigners, without excepting the French, enjoy guarantees and security.
No injury, therefore, has been caused to any one by the interruption of diplomatic relations between Mexico and the European powers, and what has occurred has demonstrated that these relations are not indispensable, either for the development of commerce or for the exchange of ideas between peoples, or for the interests of foreigners who reside in Mexico, and that at any moment they can have recourse, the same as the Mexicans, to the tribunals and other authorities.
Without the necessity of legations, a part of the foreign debt has been paid, and equitable arrangements have been made between the government and claimants in some affairs which, perhaps, treated diplomatically, would have given origin to a thousand difficulties and embarrassments.
Such a state of things has, without doubt, led public opinion in Mexico to see with absolute indifference the news which from time to time is put out with reference to the disposition in which various of the European governments are with regard to the renewal of diplomatic relations with that of the republic.
The history of these relations enables us to understand that from them we cannot expect to derive any advantage or any positive good, and that, on the other hand, they may be the cause of new conflicts and of serious difficulties. This leads it to be generally desired that the actual situation should be prolonged, notwithstanding its inconveniences and irregularities, as it is neither one of peace nor of war, and gives rise to such disagreeable incidents as those of the packet Danube, in Vera Cruz, and the frigate Chanticleer, in Mazatlan. Because this desire exists it is not to be inferred, in any manner, that Mexico is a country of Chinese or Japanese ideas; that it entertains hatred to foreigners; that it seeks to isolate itself, to deliver itself up to its own fate, and separate itself from all contact with civilized peoples. Nothing of this. Mexico, in looking with repugnance and suspicion upon diplomatic relations with Europe, because they have been to it injurious and prejudicial, desires direct relations of people with people, and offers to the foreigner the same advantages that are afforded to its own citizens, upon the condition only that they shall have the same obligations.
The Spanish American republics, upon conquering their independence by their own efforts, fell into the error of believing that they required for their existence the recognition of the great powers, as if these great powers did not have for their rule of conduct to admit accomplished events. Such recognition signifies nothing, nor is it necessary to implore it, when it has always to be the precise consequence of the maintenance of whatever nationality. The Mexican republic, in its happy restoration, has not incurred the error of its early years, and we are seeing that the republican government neither to exist nor to exercise its functions, neither for the pacification nor for the reorganization of the country, requires in any way diplomatic relations with Europe.
The foreigners who reside among us have to acknowledge, if they are sincere, that nothing is lost by not having the protection of their legations, that before exposed them to grave inconveniences.
While these legations were a constant embarrassment, and a continual difficulty for our government, they afforded no protection to foreigners, nor did they render any aid towards the improvement of their interests, or in favor of the cause of progress and civilization; but, on the contrary, violating the rules of neutrality and of public law, they allied themselves almost always with the retrograde faction, and with those who are systematically hostile to foreigners.
The French deputy, Jules Favre, had more than sufficient reason to state in full legislative corps, that the bonds of Jecker were the sole cause of the French intervention, with all its consequences. Private reclamations, speculative affairs, unjust pretensions, unfounded indemnizations, excessive brokerages, these have been the affairs with which the European legations have been occupied.
We repeat, in nothing have these legations promoted either in favor of their citizens in general, or of the cause of civilization. It is true that the governments of Europe have acted in the same manner, for when the government of Mr. Juarez sought to elevate the freedom of religion decreed by the laws of reform, to the rank of an international stipulation, giving it a place in the treaties with the governments of Europe, who make so much parade of liberalism, they did not even answer this notable initiative of the Mexican republic, which sought to place throughout the entire world freedom of conscience, under the protecting guarantee of public law.
That Mexico is in the right in considering as broken the treaties with the powers that recognized Maximilian, is an unquestionable point, since these powers treating with the usurper were those who failed in all their engagements with the Mexican nation.
[Page 572]This point is still more unquestionable with respect to England and Spain, who made so many protests on signing the convention of London, that it was not their intention to intervene in the affairs of Mexico, nor to change its institutions.
The decorous determination of the republic to hold the treaties as broken so long as the European powers do not ask to enter into new relations under equitable bases, it can easily be understood, has wounded in the most lively manner the susceptibilities of the foreign offices, and has occasioned vacillations in them, as to the conduct they have to observe with respect to our country. Some governments have to take care, above all, not to disgust the man of the Tuileries, and something of this is discovered in what has passed in the court of Florence, where French influence still predominates.
For our part, we persist in the opinion that nothing, absolutely nothing, should we do to hasten the re-establishment of our diplomatic relations with Europe; that our attitude should be that of mere expectative, and that in making new treaties we should be exceedingly cautious—reject the old clause of falsely called reciprocity, and establish that foreigners in Mexico have to have the same rights and the same obligations as Mexicans.
This will not prevent that at the same time we should give the greatest freedom to the commerce of importation; that we should liberally reform our tariff; that we should make a point of national honor of hospitality and protection to all foreigners; and, in fine, that we should exert ourselves to attract to our soil an intelligent and laborious population, which we so much require to cement peace and consolidate our institutions.
Nor will this prevent Mexico from cultivating and drawing closer its good relations with the United States, in which there is not the least peril, neither for our nationality nor for the integrity of our territory. At the same time Mexico can and should promote the alliance of all the American republics against all projects of re-conquest, of invasion, or of intervention, on the part of Europe.
We have believed it convenient to enter into these considerations, now that the question of the re-establishment of diplomatic relations has become the order of the day, by the repetition of the news that the governments of Italy and of North Germany have resolved to send legations to Mexico, and that the English bondholders will treat directly with our government, without asking the diplomatic protection of the British government.
As is seen, these reports do not refer to the powers that had a responsibility in the work of the intervention—that is to say, Spain and England—and there must be much fewer difficulties in treating with the King of Italy, and, above all, with the German Confederation, which is a new political entity that has come into the world since the fall of Maximilian, and for that reason did not recognize the so-called empire.
However, with Italy and with Germany, we counsel the same precautions as with whatever other power.
This is not the moment to enlarge upon the advantages of establishing close relations with the Germanic peoples, nor of examining the situation of Europe, with respect to the United States, in order to select our friends upon the old continent.
This is a task we will undertake when we believe it opportune; but we can now declare that it appears to us the most strange and inapplicable of illusions, the idea of going in search of European alliances to avert from us perils more or less remote from the side of the United States.
What occurred in the war of Texas, it appears to us, affords us sufficient light in this respect.
In our belief, the strength of Mexico, as an independent nation, has to be derived, not from foreign alliances, but from its own political institutions, and its material progress.
The last news which has been transmitted by telegraph, and which we published day before yesterday, appears to us very satisfactory. Lord Stanley declares that for the renewal of diplomatic relations with Mexico it is necessary that the republic should take the initiative. May it be far off! Well should we abstain from taking such a step.
The French government has assigned four millions of francs for the payment of the bonds known as Franco-Mexican, after scandalous revelations made in the legislative corps. This is also very well.
We are glad this time that France is sufficiently rich to pay for its glories—the glories of the intervention and of the Jecker affair.