Mr. Moran to Mr.
Seward
No. 75.]
Legation of the United States,
London,
July 18, 1868.
Sir: I transmit herewith a copy of the Times of
yesterday, containing a report of the remarks of Mr. Forster and Lord
Stanley in the House of Commons on Thursday evening, on the subject of
naturalization and expatriation. Of late there have been some
indications of uneasiness on this question in the public mind, and I
infer, from circumstances, that have come to my notice, that Mr.
Forster’s inquiry was intended to afford his lordship an opportunity of
making the nation acquainted with the views of the government on the
subject, and with its reasons for not negotiating a treaty now. It will
be observed that his lordship refers to a dispatch of his to Mr.
Thornton touching the question, not yet published, but which he has
promised to lay before the house. I shall not fail to forward copies of
this paper as soon as I can procure them, although it is probable that
Mr. Thornton has already communicated it to you.
Mr. Mill, the same evening, put a question to Lord Mayo respecting the
cases of Messrs. Warren and Costello.
I have the honor to forward herewith a report of his lordship’s
reply.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
[Page 328]
[From the
London Times, July 17,
1869.]
Naturalization and expatriation.
House of
Commons,Thursday, July
16.
Mr. W. E. Forster asked the secretary of state for foreign affairs
whether there had been any recent correspondence between her
Majesty’s government and the government of the United States on the
question of naturalization and expatriation, and, if so, whether he
was willing to lay such correspondence upon the table of the
house.
Lord Stanley. The house will probably have
seen in some English newspapers the dispatch from the United States
government upon this subject, to which the question of the honorable
members refers. That dispatch was placed in my hands a few days ago,
and it appears to have been made public in America before it reached
this country. Before it came into my hands, I had written to the
British minister at Washington upon the subject—a dispatch which
must have crossed that of Mr. Seward on its way to this country. In
that dispatch I explained the views of her Majesty’s government upon
the question of naturalization as it now stands. In answer to the
honorable member’s question I may say that I have no objection to
lay that dispatch, as well as that of Mr. Seward, upon the table. I
may also repeat, what I have already stated in answer to a question
put to me in this house, that her Majesty’s government are quite
prepared to accept in principle the views of the naturalization
question for which the United States government contend, and,
therefore, I do not apprehend that any misunderstanding can arise
out of it. We have declined, however, to enter into any treaty upon
the subject just at present, for two reasons—firstly, because some
legal details have to be arranged, and are now being considered by
the commission appointed for that purpose; and next, because even if
we were to act irrespectively of the report of that commission, such
a treaty would be perfectly useless until an act of Parliament is
passed to bring it into operation. I need not say that in the state
of business, not only as it is now but as it has been for the past
month, it would have been useless to attempt to bring in so large
and important a measure. If it should be my fortune to have any
share in the government next year, I shall be ready to introduce a
bill upon the subject in the new Parliament. [Hear, hear.]
THE CREW OF THE JACMEL.
Mr. Mill asked the chief secretary for Ireland whether her Majesty’s
government would take into favorable consideration the question
whether the time had arrived when the very heavy sentences passed on
Warren and Costello, the only two persons of the crew of the Jackmel
who had not been released, might be remitted or mitigated.
The Earl of Mayo said some misapprehension appeared to exist upon
this subject. The prisoners were convicted of coming to Ireland in
an armed vessel and cruising along the coast, with intent to effect
a landing of men and arms in order to raise an insurrection against
the Queen. The only evidence given against them of their proceedings
in the United States was that of their being members of the Fenian
brotherhood previous to March, 1867, being the date of the overt
acts in which their brother conspirators were engaged. This evidence
was necessary to connect them with the Fenian society, and, in
accordance with the provisions of the treason-felony act, to bring
them within the jurisdiction of the court. The case, therefore, did
not really differ in any way from the great bulk of the Fenian
prisoners, and he was afraid that the time had not yet come when any
general consideration of the sentences passed on Fenian prisoners
could yet be undertaken.