Mr. Van Valkenburgh to Mr. Seward.
No. 80.]
Legation of the United States,
Yokohama,
August 13, 1868.
Sir: On the 27th ultimo, the day after the
departure of the last United States mail, an English steamer arrived at
this port from Hiogo, with between sixty and seventy Choshin officers
and men on board, the object of whose visit, as freely stated by them to
other passengers, was to take possession of the Stonewall by order of
the Mikado, and then return in her to the inland sea.
It is probable that on their arrival they communicated with the Mikado’s
authorities stationed here, and learned from them that the vessel could
not at present be delivered. At all events I was not troubled with a
fresh application, and the Choshin men soon left this place.
Of all dignitaries in this country, this Prince Choshin, in my opinion,
is the last to whom such a ship could with safety be delivered; as he
has always been most prominent in his dislike of foreigners. By
attempting to close the straits of Simonosaki, and firing on foreign
ships, he fully earned the severe chastisement he received from the
allied squadron in 1863. Never since has he wavered in advocating an
anti-foreign policy on every occasion. I have the honor to transmit
inclosure No. 1, translation of two documents, published in authorized
newspapers, dated April and July of this year, respectively, in which
the prospective expulsion of foreigners is referred to. There is no room
for doubting the authenticity of these documents, as Ohoshin’s position
as a leading member of the Mikado’s government gives him ample power to
suppress or contradict such publications if he had felt disposed to do
so.
I transmit inclosures Nos. 2 and 3, translation of two interesting
documents on the political condition of this country. These documents
appeared in the public prints, and under the censorship of the press
that
[Page 789]
is rigidly inforced, they
may be accepted as containing authorized statements or opinions.
I also transmit inclosure No. 4, translation of a proclamation issued on
the 24th ultimo to all Tokugawa or late Tycoon’s officers, in the name
of their chief, requiring them to declare whether they will remain
faithful to their clan or not. The official returns, I am informed, show
that a large majority have elected the first alternative, although they
are aware that they may be called upon to serve, but without pay. On the
same day the Tokugawa clan were notified by the Mikado’s authorities
that all officers should declare in favor of the Mikado’s government at
the risk of confiscation of their property in case of refusal. From a
high officer of the late Tycoon, in whose statement I feel inclined to
place full confidence, I learned that but very few of the Tokugawa
officers made the desired declaration, and forty-five thousand, that is
nearly all of them, paid no attention to the public notice. These
forty-five thousand officers, who, with their retainers and families,
number over four hundred thousand souls, may now at any moment expect
that the threat of confiscation against them will be carried out. As
there is no one, however, in Yedo or elsewhere to purchase their
property if confiscated, the threat will probably remain an empty
one.
You may easily conceive from the large number of officials employed how
extremely elaborate the system of government of the Tycoons has been.
Nearly five thousand of these people, exclusive of army and navy, daily
attended some public office or other in Yedo alone; the duty of each
official was strictly limited, with innumerable checks and counter
checks on private and official action; individuality was wholly lost,
and each official person, even the highest in rank, was only a part of a
system, based entirely on an utter mistrust of men and things. It is not
surprising, therefore, that in a crisis like the present, and with the
overthrow of the official system, its component parts lost all cohesion.
I cannot believe that self-reliance is utterly crushed out of these
numerous officials, but am rather inclined to think that if the late
Tycoon, or any one among his principal retainers, should raise his flag,
thousands who are accustomed to obey, and are as tit to follow as they
are unfit to lead, would rally round such standard, and that in this
part of Japan great changes would be the immediate result, as in such
case the army under the Mikado’s flag would find itself greatly
outnumbered.
In the meantime fighting in the north continues. It is known that the
great Daimios have not yet entered the field with their regular forces;
engagements on a small scale take place daily between the Daimios troops
under the Mikado’s flag and the disbanded retainers (called ronins) of
the late Tycoon and the northern princes.
Reinforcements from Yedo are constantly being dispatched to the north by
the Mikado’s chiefs, who, moreover, lately received from Kioto and Osaka
an accession to their forces of about five thousand men, belonging to
western Daimios.
The aggregate results of all these military operations do not seem to
have been favorable to the Mikado’s cause. No victories are being
proclaimed; all the newspapers in Yedo are now suppressed by the
Mikado’s authorities, and scarcely a day passes without the arrival in
Yedo of wounded men from their army, who immediately are taken to the
castle, and no communication is allowed with them.
It appears to be beyond doubt the policy of the Tokugawa and northern
chiefs to avoid general engagements, to constantly harass their enemies
with small bands of determined and devoted men, while the larger bands
act on the defensive, and in support of their skirmishers; the
[Page 790]
object being to exhaust rather
than destroy their enemies, and in this manner bring the war to an end.
The Mikado’s treasury is as weak as that of the northern chiefs appear
to be strong. Remittances of money for the payment of the troops are
constantly received by the Mikado’s officers from Osaka, but these
supplies are likely to be stopped at any moment. It was first attempted
to pass irredeemable paper currency in Yedo, but the attempt had to be
abandoned. Then it was suddenly ordered, that a very common eight cash
coin should pass for sixteen cash, or double its usual currency, and for
the carrying out of this new shift force had to be resorted to; but the
people in Yedo raised the price of their commodities, and in this manner
successfully met the imposition.
I transmit inclosure No. 5, translation of a decree of the Mikado’s court
for the issue of paper money, showing the utter destitution of this new
government.
Yedo is becoming more quiet every day; most of the Mikado’s troops having
proceeded to the north. The remainder, reported to number only about
three thousand men, occupy the castle gates and some other guardhouses.
Robberies are less frequent, probably also because the offices of the
large merchants are all closed, and their valuables removed to places of
safety; and the common people, to the number of several hundred
thousand; have been practically self-governing with perfect success,
ever since the total collapse of the old official system.
Among the forty-five thousand disbanded officials before mentioned, there
are many who have no private means whatever, and among whom the loss of
salary and rice allowances is beginning to be seriously felt.
Without firearms themselves, and while witnessing the superiority of
drill and organization of their opponents under the Mikado’s flag, a
growing feeling now prevails with these people, that foreign adventurers
have greatly instructed and aided their enemies, and that to a great
extent foreigners of all classes and nationalities are responsible for
this unfortunate civil strife. Already the plea has been advanced by
them that war between Japanese is simply offering opportunities, of
which unscrupulous foreigners may promptly avail themselves to bring
ruin and disgrace upon this country. With the present generation of
Japanese hatred of foreigners formed part of their earliest education,
and though the prejudice is unquestionably not so strong as in the
earlier days of our intercourse, and the greatest efforts to disguise
the feeling have always been made, particularly by the new or Mikado’s
government, there is no doubt enough of it is left, so as to respond in
many instances to the appeal in favor of union on the only possible
basis, that of dislike of foreign nations or apprehensions from their
suspected designs, on which all Japanese might unite and few would have
the courage to stand aloof.
Within the last few days three cases of great rudeness towards foreigners
by Japanese have occurred in this place, and they are now being
investigated.
In the early part of December next the rice crop will be harvested and
the taxes collected; then, if not before, the relative strength of the
contending parties will be practically tested. In proportion as the
season advances the feverish excitement seems to increase, and induces
probably a stronger exhibition of anti-foreign feeling than might be
expected under ordinary circumstances. This feeling principally
manifests itself by a studied misconstruction of every act in observance
of neutrality by both foreign officials and merchants. Criticisms are
freely tendered by the respective partisans on every occasion, and in no
single instance that has come to my knowledge could I detect any desire
to do justice
[Page 791]
to the
foreigners, or anything but a suspicion, sometimes quite plainly
expressed, of the most unworthy motives on their part.
In the present disturbed state of Japan no efforts of the foreign
representatives to allay this anti-foreign feeling or diminish its
influence could be successful,
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient
servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
[Translation.] [From the 8th number of
the Naigaishinko.]
Remonstrance addressed in the 3d month
(April, 1868) by the rifle brigade of
Choshu (Ki Hei Tai) to Arisugawa Mia, on three
subjects.
That the Emperor himself goes to the Quanto to inflict punishment is
not right.
By his departure he will not only cause great anxiety to all people,
but everywhere in the whole country, although in profound reverence,
all sorts of things—good and bad ones—will be said about him; if the
idea of his departure is, therefore, not abandoned very soon, the
commencement of a terrible excitement will appear in the
country.
If the foreigners are invited to the imperial court, who will be the
man, when the time for expulsion has come, to employ his energy for
this purpose? Therefore it is not right that the foreigners are
admitted to the Dairo.
The government of the empire must be given back to the house of
Tokugawa. The princes shall consult with each other on the subject
of some abuses, but nothing else ought to be altered.
To this government, (of the Tycoon,) to which the people have been
accustomed for more than three hundred years, they still are devoted
in fidelity and obedience, even if it were said that the old
imperial government was to be reinstituted as in former ages; and if
the government offices were filled with Daimios’ kugés it would be a
vain trouble—the people would never submit to them.
If this state of affairs lasts, the time will come when the princes
refuse to obey the orders of the Emperor, and will intrench
themselves in their provinces, to the ruin of the country.
Therefore the government ought to be returned immediately to the
family of the Tokugawa. If this is not done disorders will arise
immediately, and the restoration of peace will become an
impossibility.
[From the 36th number of the Naigaishinbun, July 4,
1868.]
Extract of a letter from
Kamigata.
All the troops of Choshin, stationed at Miaco, have returned to their
province, so that at this moment no soldier of Choshin is to be
found in that city. There exists a rumor that this is because the
Emperor has rejected the three points which Choshin had proposed for
his consideration. I have not been able to get hold of the petition
containing these three points, but they are said to be the
following:
1. The question about Yedo ought to be settled leniently, and the
house of Tokugawa reinstalled in its former position.
2. The foreigners ought to be expelled.
3. The offices of Sisho and Kuambaku ought to be filled again by
proper persons.
It is said, also, that Tosa and some other princes from Sikokf begin
to return home with their troops.
[Translation.]
[From No. 16 of the Yedo
News.]
Dialogue on the relative strength of the
parties.
A visitor asked me: “Supposing the Tokugawa family to be deprived of
its territory, when is the country to enjoy peace again? The
ex-Tycoon has set the example of
[Page 792]
submissiveness to all, and has fulfilled the
duties which a subject owes to his sovereign, and strong clans, as
Aidzu and Shumai may be, they can have no excuse now for resisting
the will of the sovereign.”
I replied: “What Daimios will ever resist the will of the sovereign?
But there will be some who will brook the usurpations of the western
and southern Daimios, and one day or other these latter will be
called to account by an armed force. I see no prospect of peace for
a long time.”
Upon this he observed: “Then all the Daimios will isolate themselves
in their own territories, and we shall have a recurrence of the
civil wars of 1570–1591, the age of Nobunaga and Taiko Sama. Who is
then to restore tranquillity?”
I replied: “That I could not tell. However, the results of the
different contests for power which have taken place since the Middle
Ages show that Japan has never been united into a whole by any one
from the west of Kioto. Just run over in your mind the course of
history: Yoritomo was from Inzu; the families of Nita and Ashik-aga
both sprang from the province of Shodzuke;
Nobunaga and Taiko Sama were born in Owari; while the divine Prince
Jyeyasu came from Mikawba. This shows that the luck of the eastern
portion of Japan far surpasses that of the western divisions, and it
was by virtue of this superiority of good fortune that the military
power was established in Kamakura, that the most commanding
position, namely, that of Kuanto, was secured, the whole country, as
it were, held by the middle, and long-continued tranquillity ensued.
The learned Rai Sauyo has shown this most conclusively. Let us try
to prognosticate the condition of affairs which will ensue when the
Daimios retire to their territories to hold their own against each
other. In Kiushin we shall have Higo Hizen and Satsuma striving for
the superiority in their part of the country; Tosa will swallow up
the whole of Shikoku and become something like Chosokabe was in
Taiko Sama’s time; Choshin, being the strongest clan in the west of
Kioto, will, no doubt, imitate the example of Motonari, the founder
of the clan, and easily get the better of Geishin, Inshin, Bizen,
and the other clans in that vicinity; Sendai, Shonai, and Yoneyawa
will hold. Oshin and Dewa among them, as Gamo and Mogami did
formerly, and on the north coast they will have Kaga for a watchful
and suspicious neighbor.
“The Aidzu clan will be united in its regret at the breaking up of
the Tokugawa clan, of which it is a branch, and in its desire to
restore it to that state of grandeur to which it was raised by its
founder Jyeyasu. The Aidzu clan is distinguished for the determined
courage of its two-sworded men, and it will strain every effort to
make good its footing in the west. All the clans of Oshin, Dewa,
Kuanto, and the north coast being relations or feudatories of
Tokugawa, will acknowledge Aidzu as their Suzerain, and relieve him
from any fear of treacherous attack. The next step of Aidzu will be
to push his authority into Koshin and Shinano; he will then descend
the line of the Fujikawa, and issuing on to the Tokaido will find
Suruga, Yotomi, Mikawa, the ancient territory of Jyeyasu, ready to
enrol themselves under the holyhock banner without questioning
either Aidzu’s right or the consequences which may befall them.
Kishin will be neutral and look after the safety of his frontier,
asking advice of neither party, and with good reason, on account of
his proximity to the south and west. Probably he will have it in his
power to stop the passage of armies from east to west or vice versa, for he holds a strong position on
the seashore. Echizen, also, will not be at leisure to do more than
to look after his own safety. Aidzu will then attack Owari by the
Tokaido and Nakasendo, and create an intermediate position to
support his further advance. As he proceeds westward the territories
of Yodo and Jikamonokami will become the battle-field of the
opposing armies. We shall have a repetition of the fight of Seki
Gahara, and other engagements without end. This is what seems to me
likely to be the result of the present state of things.”
My friend remarked: “I am well aware of the dauntless courage and
powers of the Aidzu men, but it must be remembered that although the
Prince of Aidzu is the descendant of the son of Jyeyasu, by
descending into the rank of the Daimios he has lost his claim.
Supposing that he now usurps power, and tries to restore the
authority inherited by Tokugawa, will the remaining members of that
clan make up their minds to join him?”
I replied: “The Prince of Aidzu is well aware of the facts, and if he
supports the main line of Tokugawa in the person of Jayasu
Kamenosuke, none of its former retainers will refuse to join him;
and even if he does not try to uphold the last or the elder branch,
we have a precedent in the case of Jyeyasu himself, who traces his
descent from a younger branch of the Nitta family, and the feeling
of the Kuanto men is such that they would far prefer the services of
Aidzu to the rule of the families of the south and west, with whom
they are united by no family bonds.”
My friends upon this asked: “Then will Aidzu he able to extend his
rule over the whole country and re-establish the Shogunate as it
existed under the Tokugawa family?”
I replied that, “A hundred years ago this probably would have been
the result, but that in the present day its possibility was by no
means certain. My reasons for thinking so are, that a government is
radically bad in which there are two rulers—one a
[Page 793]
nominal sovereign, superior in rank,
and the other a great vassal, who holds the power. A man of sense
and intelligence would be ashamed to confess to a foreigner that he
lived under such a constitution.”
My friend observed to me: “If it is as you say, why should we have to
wait a long time for the restoration of peace, seeing that the
government has reverted to the sovereign, that the plan which the
Emperor Godaigo failed in is being carried out, and that the
imperial government is laying the foundation of an enduring
condition of tranquillity, where does the difficulty lie?”
To this I answered: “An attempt to graft a federal constitution on
the feudal system must end in the sovereign becoming a puppet, while
the real functions of the government and the command of the military
force will fall into the hands of the stronger Daimios. Then every
one will seek to carry out his own policy, and the condition of
affairs will resemble that in the time of the Ashikaga family, when
its power was usurped by Yamana and Hosokawa. I hear that the Prince
of Choshin has resigned his office and returned to his territories,
which proves what I have been saying.
“My belief is that the country will be split up, and that we shall
not see it quiet again Until some man of genius arises who shall
abolish the feudal system, unite the country into a single whole,
support the imperial government instead of looking after his own
interests, and establish a deliberative assembly on a wide
basis.”
My friend said: “Many clans are providing themselves with men-of-war,
which bring the most distant places together and annihilate, as it
were, both space and time. The movements of troops are, therefore,
capable of being carried out with great quickness and ease, and of
being stopped in the same manner. Do you not agree with me?”
I replied: “No. If one Daimio possesses war steamers, so does his
opponent. I do not wish to make invidious comparisons, but I cannot
help thinking that the safety of the Daimios bordering on the Island
sea will depend in a great measure on the geographical position of
each. What we may be certain will greatly affect politics is, that
foreign trade will center in our part of the country and desert the
west. The most important staples we have are raw silk and tea, both
of which are produced in large quantities in the northern and
eastern provinces of Japan, and we may feel sure of securing the
profits of the export trade. This effect will exercise a good deal
of influence upon the relative strength of parties.
“If, however, the great men of both parties isolate themselves
severally in the east and west, and make the central portion of the
country the battle-ground of their rival ambitions, they will be the
ruin of Japan. Even a great country like the United States is said
to have declined in power, as well as in honesty and refinement,
since the civil war, which lasted for five years; and I am afraid
that the intestine strife going on among ourselves is preparing the
foundation for acts of usurpation on the part of powerful European
nations. If brothers quarrel in a family, destroy the fences and
break down the doors, they will leave open a road by which thieves
may find an easy entrance.
“It should be the first object of all patriotic and loyal subjects to
bring the whole country into harmony, and to concentrate the
national strength, so that Japan may take her stand among the
nations of the earth, and assert the national dignity.”
[Translation from No. 27 of the Yedo Home and Foreign
News.]
Although the rule of our most revered sovereign, his Majesty the
Mikado, and the Wise gods over Japan is as eternal as the heavens
and the earth, in the middle ages the true principles of government
were lost sight of, and the Mikado’s authority becoming gradually
weakened during a succession of civil wars, the supreme power passed
at length into the hands of the military class. Subsequently, in the
end of the Ashikaka dynasty, disruption and war reached their
height, and the whole nation forgot the respect due to his Majesty
the Mikado.
Then arose Jyeyasu, gifted by Heaven with wisdom and courage, who,
after undergoing the greatest hardships and fighting many battles,
put an end to civil strife, and restored the observance of
rectitude. He revived the authority of the Mikado, rescued the
nation from misery, and asserted his power over all the Daimios of
the empire in such a manner that the country once more enjoyed
tranquillity; and a period of three centuries elapsed without the
occurrence of civil war.
How great his services! How grand his virtues! Thus it is evident
that the reversion of the supreme power in this country to the
Tokugawa family was the gift of Heaven and man. It was not privately
bestowed by the Mikado, nor was it usurped by the Shogun.
The question before us is, from what motives did our prince, the late
Taishogun, abdicate the office of Shogun, which he had inherited
from his ancestors, and restore the supreme power to the imperial
court? Shall his act be called a want of filial piety or fidelity
towards the spirits of his ancestors now on high?
[Page 794]
The eighty thousand generals and warriors of the Tokugawa family
suspected his motives, and were unable to account for his action. I
beg permission to attempt an explanation.
When Soshogu had reduced the empire to tranquillity, he devoted a
great deal of attention to the encouragement of learning. Education,
however, did not make any great advance. It was reserved for his
descendant Gengiko of Mito to make great improvements in this
direction, and to compile the Dainihonshi,* which may be styled “the
spring and autumn annals” of our country. Thence forward right
principles and the duties of relative ranks became well understood
throughout Japan. In the heavens there are not two suns, and on
earth there cannot be two sovereigns. According to the constitution
of our country since the Kama Kura age, there has been a Shogun
subordinate to the Mikado, who conducted the government of the
country and possessed the supreme authority. Thus there existed as
it were two sovereigns in one country, two heads to one man—an
inconvenient condition of things, under which a good national system
was impossible. Of late years also intercourse with foreign
countries has been gradually increasing; the learning of the West
has come into contact with the Chinese philosophy of the East, and
the different systems of the world are generally tending towards
unity. In the face of such events it became impossible to preserve
in Japan an inconvenient national system which may be likened to a
man with two heads.
This principle was not recognizable by ordinary persons like
ourselves; it was reserved for the wise insight of our prince, the
late Taishogivn, to discover it. The object he had, therefore, in
forming the resolution of restoring to the imperial court that
governmental power which he inherited as the gift of God from his
ancestors was no other than this: namely, the conversion of the
divine provinces into a country with one sovereign and one head, the
preservation of her happiness and integrity for all ages, and
enabling her to rank with the powerful states beyond our seas.
It was not only that our prince, the late Taishogun, with a patriotic
Japanese soul —a soul perfectly just, upright, and free from all
selfish aims—displayed the profoundest truth and loyalty towards his
Majesty the late Emperor Komei; but he also manifested the deepest
benevolence and goodness towards the countless population of the
empire— such benevolence as never can or will be surpassed.
Therefore his conduct towards the founder of the Tokugawa family was
in fact filial piety and fidelity.
In the times of remote antiquity, when the heavenly grandson came
down to this earth, the great god of Idzumo, the ruler of the eight
great provinces, in his obedience to his order, surrendered this
country into his hands. I think it is not irreverent to say that our
prince in restoring the government to the Mikado, performed an act
much nobler than that of Okuninushi, (i. e.,
the god of Idzumo.) The latter has enjoyed the offerings of the
Tenshi for a thousand years. The former, in consequence of the
differences of opinion among his followers, and their eagerness to
be first in the fray, has offended the wrath of his Majesty, the
still youthful Mikado, and an envoy has come eastward to punish him.
There is no want among us of men like Take-mi-na-kata of old. Some
proposed that the forces of the East should at once march westward
and repeat the exploits of the period, Shokin;† others proposed to meet our enemies in Sumga
and Totomi, and to attack their nest by means of war vessels. These
plans were noisily debated, and there were many who urged our prince
to action, entirely disregarding their own lives. But he swerved not
from his original purpose, from his true wish to do honor to his
sovereign. Not one hairbreadth did he move, but was firm as the
rocky base of the peak of Fuji, while his grief for his country was
profounder than the sea of Ise. His fear was lest the national
disturbances should increase and grow, and that foreign insolence
would take advantage of the opportunity. He therefore adopted the
motives of Kinshojo for his model, and continued in perfect
obedience and submissiveness, admonishing us that those who resisted
the imperial army would be applying a sword to his own body. He then
evacuated the castle of Yedo, which is the very keystone of Kuanto;
surrendered the arms and vessels, which are the very sinews of the
naval and military forces, and retiring to the remote seclusion of
Mito, now awaits there on his knees the decision of the Emperor, How
profound and all prevading his delicacy; how great his
suffering!
Besides, unfortunately, the imperial army does not resemble the
soldiers of Yakemikaequehifutsunushi. The subject is made to rebel
against his lord; the lesser families to attack those from which
they sprung; younger brothers to make war on their elder
brothers.
[Page 795]
What shall we say of this inversion and destruction of ordinary bonds
of society? In an age like the present, when learning flourishes so
highly, and right principles are so well understood, and when the
ancient monarchical system is being restored, and the government
remodeled, such extraordinary actions fill us with astonishment, and
almost leave us without words to vent our feelings.
The reason why we have borne that which is truly almost impossible to
bear; why we have been abject, and humble, and obediently
submissive, is no other than this: We have thoroughly appreciated
the submissive and patriotic feelings which animate the Japanese
soul of our prince; and we wish to forget our families for the sake
of our country, and to disregard our private interests for the sake
of that which is noble and disinterested. We daily and nightly
conjure the heavens above us, and the wise gods, to cause the truth
and honesty of our prince to be at once recognized by Heaven and
earth, and to be approved by the allwise gods; and we pray that he
may enjoy the favors and rewards of the wise gods, and of his
Majesty the Mikado, who rules over Japan.
TSUDA SHINICHIN, SANEMICHI.
June, 1868.
With tears of blood, respectfully waiting.
Proclamation to the Ohometseke and Ometske on
the fifth day of the sixth month, (July 24, 1868.)
The territorial limits having been settled, the number of followers
will necessarily have to be reduced; and to our great regret we are
compelled to notify our followers, that from this sixth month they
must no longer expect to receive either money or rice allowances:
they should, therefore, at once provide for themselves.
The heads of departments will promptly inquire whether their
subordinates wish to enter the service of the imperial government,
or leave their present service, and report accordingly.
Note.—This applies equally to those who
have estates.
[Translated from the sixteenth number
of the Kioto Gazette.]
Paper Money.
To create a sure basis for the prosperity of the realm, on the
occasion of the reformation of the imperial government, after mature
consideration the issue of paper money has been decreed; and
according to his Majesty’s orders this paper money shall pass
current in the whole empire from the present year Tatz’ to the next
year Tatz’, i. e., for thirteen years, that
by it the poverty which reigns everywhere in the country may be
alleviated. The rules to be observed are mentioned below.
The day from which it shall be put into circulation shall be
published by the proper authorities to all people, even down to the
lowest class.
“Fourth Intercalary month, (twenty-second May to nineteenth
June.)
TAIROKWAN.
As the introduction of paper money has been decreed, all Daimios
shall be able to obtain loans according to their incomes, so that
for every ten thousand kokus they may get ten thousand rios. They
will have to lay their wishes, with regard to this, before the
proper authorities.
With regard to the repayment they will be obliged to pay every year,
for thirteen years, a tenth of the sum lent; payment to be made in
notes, so that at the end of the next year Tatz’, the repayments
will have been effected.
The princes shall bear in mind that according to the intentions of
the Emperor, through the paper money lent to them, a sure basis
shall be created for the prosperity of the country. They shall use
it, therefore, to assist the industry as much as possible, and do
good to their countries. It cannot be allowed that the governments
of the princes use their notes for unlawful purposes.
To the merchants of Kioto and in Sitz’, (Osaka,) and of the
neighboring rural districts, which desire to contract such loans,
notes shall be given in accordance with the amount of business they
transact after they have expressed their wishes to the officers
issuing the notes.
To the inhabitants of the towns and villages of the Saibansho
districts in the whole country, and in the territories of the
princes, at their demand, after their fortune has been assessed,
loans shall be given for the carrying on of their business. With
regard to the repayment they shall pay every year a convenient part
of the sum with interest.
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Everywhere, in the whole country, the same principles shall he
observed as with the merchants at Kioto and Osacca.
Such notes as are yearly repaid shall he destroyed in the
Kaikeikyoku.
From the money lent this year between the first and seven months
exclusive, ten per cent. shall he returned at the end of this year.
From the money lent between the seventh and twelfth months, only
five per cent.
In this manner, according to the will and decision of the Emperor, a
substitute shall be created for the wanting coins. Nobody,
therefore, ought to blame this measure, As, however, the loans are
made in notes and to be repaid in notes, no exchange (against coin)
shall take place.
