Mr. Van Valkenburgh to Mr. Seward.

No. 41.]

Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith inclosure No. 1, (printed,) five documents marked A, B, C, D, and E, respectively, which are sufficiently authentic, though not furnished officially.

[Page 725]

The first one of these documents, (A,) in relation to the construction of the new government, and giving the names and the functions of the members who compose it, is particularly interesting at this time.

Whatever remained of a government in Yedo has, to all appearances, entirely subsided.

To-day the envoy of the Mikado, Hashimoto No Shosho, passed through Kanagawa on his way to Yedo, where he will arrive this evening. As he is known to be of high rank, and to have been furnished with full powers, it is to be hoped that Takugawa Yoshinobu, the late Tycoon, will be able to arrive at a satisfactory understanding with him, and that a peaceful termination of the present difficulties will be the result, though the approach of this personage has already caused much excitement among the people in Yedo during the last two days.

I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

R. B. VAN VALKENBURGH.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

B.

[Translation from the Kioto government Gazette, of March, 1868.]

Memorial to the Daijokan, (government.)

The undersigned, servants of the Crown, respectfully believe that from ancient times decisions upon important questions concerning the welfare of the empire were arrived at after consideration of the actual political condition and its necessities, and that thus results were obtained, not of mere temporary brilliancy, but which bore good fruit in all time.

At the present time the throne is but newly occupied; the governing power has just reverted to the sovereign; old abuses are undergoing reformation, and the people of the empire are beginning to perceive the necessity of being governed properly. The officers of the court are zealously endeavoring to perform the duty of loyal servants, by assisting his Majesty in governing well at home and abroad, in exalting the imperial dignity in the eyes of foreign nations.

Among other pressing duties of the present moment we venture to believe it to be pre-eminently important to set the question of foreign intercourse in a clear light.

His Majesty’s object in creating the office of administrator of foreign affairs and selecting persons to fill it, and otherwise exerting himself in that direction, has been to show the people of his empire in what light to look on this matter, and we have felt the greatest pleasure in thinking that the imperial glory would now be made to shine forth before all nations. An ancient proverb says that “Men’s minds resemble each other as little as their faces,” nor have the upper and lower classes been able, up to the present, to hold with confidence a uniform opinion. It gives us some anxiety to feel that perhaps we may be following the bad example of the Chinese, who, fancying themselves alone to be great and worthy of respect, and despising foreigners as little better than beasts, have come to suffer defeat at their hands, and to have it lorded over themselves by those very foreigners.

It appears to us, therefore, after mature reflection, that the most important duty we have at present is for high and low to unite harmoniously in understanding the condition of the age, in effecting a national reformation and commencing a great work, and that for this reason it is of the highest necessity that we determine upon the attitude to be observed towards this question.

Hitherto the empire has held itself aloof from other countries, and is ignorant of the affairs of the world; the only object sought has been how to give ourselves the least trouble, and by daily retrograding we are in danger of falling under foreign rule.

By traveling to foreign countries and observing what good there is in them, by comparing their daily progress, the universality of enlightened government of a sufficiency of military defenses, and of abundant food for the people among them, with our present condition, the causes of prosperity and degeneracy may be plainly traced.

Of course there must be the great law of punishment and warning, but if we can acquire the art of governing them, men from a distance may be made to behave obediently, and there is no reason to punish or warn the unoffending men from afar.

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In the middle ages the imperial court had an office called gemba, and built a koro-kuan for the entertainment of men from afar.

Subsequently, during the period from 1573 to 1614, the barbarians came frequently to the western provinces and traded there. When they neglected to come, they were summoned to do so by the Taishogun in writing, and threats were held out that if they still delayed they would be attacked by large expeditions from this country. After the Shimabara revolt, in 1637. the Bakufu ordered the country to be closed; but as the privilege of trading was still permitted to China and Holland, it is evident that foreigners were not completely expelled at any time.

Of late years the question of expelling the barbarians has been constantly agitated, and one or two Daimios have tried to expel them, but it is unnecessary to prove that this was more than the strength of a single clan could accomplish.

In the past years the Bakufu declared that it would succeed in ten years; but while making these public protestations it was in private only consulting its own interests by a deceitful stratagem, a course of conduct not fit to be mentioned in the same year with the anxious thought given to the subject by the late Emperor.

However, in order to restore the fallen fortunes of the empire and to make the imperial dignity respected abroad, it is necessary to make a firm resolution, and to get rid of the narrow-minded ideas which have prevailed hitherto. We pray that the important personages of the court will open their eyes and unite with those below them in establishing relations of amity in a single-minded manner, and that our deficiencies being supplied with what foreigners are superior in, an enduring government be established for future ages. Assist the Emperor in forming his decision wisely and in understanding the condition of the empire; let the foolish argument which has hitherto styled foreigners dogs and goats, and barbarians, be abandoned; let the court ceremonies, hitherto imitated from the Chinese, be reformed, and the foreign representatives be bidden to court in the manner prescribed by the rules current amongst all nations; and let this be publicly notified throughout the country, so that the countless people may be taught what is the light in which they are to regard this subject.

This is our most earnest prayer, presented with all reverence and humility.

ECHIZEN SAISHO.

TOSO SAKI NO SHOSHO.

NAGATÒ SHOSHO.

SATSUMA SHOSHO.

AKI SHIN SHOSHO.

NOSOKAWA UKIO DAIBU.

C.

[Translation from the Kioto government Gazette of March, 1868.]

Intercourse with foreign countries, commencing in the reigns of Shinjin and Chuiai, (97 B. C., 30 B. C., and 192 A. D., 200 A. D.,) flourished more and more year after year. Many foreigners of near and distant countries became naturalized, and tribute was paid. Subsequently envoys passed constantly between this country and China, or went to reside there, and our mutual relations became naturally friendly. At that time no great advance in the art of navigation had been made, and our intercourse was restricted to Corea, China, and other adjacent countries. To say nothing of western nations, the position of India, even, was not clearly defined. But of late years, as the Japanese nation is aware, the art of navigation has been brought to perfection, and the most distant countries have been brought into the closest intercourse.

The stipulations of the treaties which the imperial government has become responsible for, by what may be called an error in judgment of the Bakufu, may be reformed if found to be hurtful; but the public laws observed by all nations forbid wanton disturbance of those arrangements as a whole, and it would be a great misfortune for the imperial court to break faith with foreign nations by now altering those engagements.

The imperial government feels itself, therefore, compelled to entertain amicable relations under the treaties concluded by the Bakufu.

This having been already notified to foreign nations, it becomes also necessary to adopt such measures as the ancient constitution of the empire and the public law of the world may conjointly suggest. Consequently it has been decreed that the foreign representatives should enter Kioto and attend at court, the memorial of Echizen Saisho and the others being adopted as a basis, and a mean between the good customs of ancient times and the practice of international intercourse in modern ages being arrived at after open discussion by the officers of the court and the clans.

“Punishment and warning” is a just principle of great antiquity, and it may happen that unavoidable wars may arise among different countries on account of wrongs committed in spite of the bonds of friendship which exist. Such examples are [Page 727] numerous, and we must make up our minds to be ready for defensive and offensive wars; but in spite of this, amicable relations between this empire and foreign countries, commenced under the last reign, by the imperial consent being given to the opening of the ports.

At that time the Bakufu, having been intrusted with the governing power, all matters concerning foreign intercourse were dealt with by it; but a reformation having been effected by which the monarchical form of government is restored and power is vested in the imperial court, it follows as a matter of course that foreign affairs should be managed by the imperial government.

At present, in this new state of things, the Sosai and other officers are responsible for every measure, and it is our desire to fill our high offices as worthily as our limited capacities will enable us.

In a time of great and extraordinary difficulty we have humbly and diligently considered the question, and it has been so decided on our reporting to his Majesty the fair and open opinion of the empire.

In the present and undecided state of our internal affairs we have this important question of foreign relations to deal with. We desire, therefore, that the whole empire, uniting its strength, will serve the sovereign diligently, and argue with us clearly, and advise us stringently and without hesitation, not only upon foreign affairs, but also on all other public business as well. What is of most importance is, that people will open their eyes to the present state of affairs and rid themselves of degenerate old habits; will cause the imperial virtues to shine forth to all nations, and render the empire as firm as a rock, and thus please the spirits of departed sages now in heaven.

Let high and low respectfully observe these words.

The three officers of the Daijokan (government.)

D.

[Translation from the Kioto Gazette of March, 1868.]

On the 21st of March his Majesty summoned the Daimios before his throne and pronounced the following speech to them:

We have just succeeded to the imperial throne, and the empire is now undergoing a thorough reformation. We ourselves exercise supreme and sole decision in both civil and military matters. The national dignity and the happiness of the people depend upon our fulfilling the duties of our high office, and we are constantly and unrestingly applying our thoughts to this subject. Unworthy as we are for the task, we desire to continue the work begun by our wise ancestors, and to carry out the policy bequeathed to us by the late Emperor, by giving peace to the clans and the people at home, and abroad by making the national glory to shine beyond the seas. Because Tokugawa Keiki harbored lawless schemes, the empire has fallen to pieces, and the result has been civil war, inflicting the greatest miseries on the people. We have therefore been compelled to resolve on taking the field in person against him.

As has already been notified, the existence of relations with foreign countries involves very important questions. We are willing, therefore, for the sake of the people of this empire, to brave the perils of the deep, and to undergo the greatest hardships; to swear to spread the national glory abroad, and to satisfy the departed spirits of our ancestors and of the late Emperor.

Do you, assembled clans, therefore assist our imperfections, and, uniting with all your heart and all your strength, perform the parts which have fallen to you, and zealously exert yourselves in behalf of the state.

E.

[Translation from a newspaper published in Yedo, entitled “Home and Foreign News,” April 10, 1868.]

Memorial of Okubo Ichizo, of the Satsuma clan.

Such a great revolution as the present has never taken place since the creation of Japan. How can it be judged of by ordinary rules? In a single battle the government forces have gained a victory, and the chief rebel has fled eastward, but his lurking place is not yet conquered.

Laws which shall insure amicable relations with foreign countries have still to be framed. The clans are in a state of alienation and insubordination, and the attitude they shall assume is yet a matter of uncertainty. Men’s minds are unsettled, and the [Page 728] public business is in a state of confusion. The great work of restoring the ancient constitution is only half accomplished; it may be said that it has only just commenced. If the imperial court seek only a temporary advantage instead of insuring permanent tranquillity, we shall have a repetition of the old thing, like the rise of the Ashikaga after the destruction of the Hojo—a getting rid of one traitor only to have another spring up.

The most pressing of your Majesty’s pressing duties at the present moment is not to look at the empire alone and judge carelessly by appearances, but to consider carefully the actual state of the whole world; to reform the inveterate and slothful habits induced during several hundred years, and to give union to the nation, so that the whole empire shall be moved to tears of gratitude, and both high and low appreciate the blessings of having a sovereign in whom they can place their trust.

Hitherto the person whom we designate the sovereign has lived behind a screen, and, as if he were different from other human beings, has not been seen by more than a very limited number of kuge; and, as his Heaven-conferred office of father to his people has been thereby unfulfilled, it is necessary that his office should be ascertained in accordance with this fundamental principle, and then the laws governing internal affairs may be established.

In order to accomplish a great reformation by the lights of this principle, it is necessary that the capital be moved. To proceed to prove this: degenerate customs are not matters of reason but of feeling, and feeling depends upon conventional phrases.

To instance one or two of these constitutional phrases, the residence of the sovereign is called “above the clouds;” his nobles are styled “men of the region above the clouds;” his face is compared to a “dragon’s countenance,” as something not easily to be seen; and his “gem-like person” is spoken of, by excess of respect, as something which must not touch the earth; so that he begins to think himself a more honorable and illustrious being than he is, until, high and low being alienated from him, his condition comes to be as miserable as it now is. No argument is required to prove that respect for superiors and kindness to inferiors is the great bond of human society; but if the former be carried to an excess, the end is that both prince and subject forget their duties to each other. The praise accorded to the Emperor Nintoku arises from this; and the sovereigns of other countries, who walk about with only one or two attendants to look after the interests of their subjects, may truly be said to discharge the duties of princes.

In the present period of reformation and restoration of the government to its ancient monarchical form, the way to carry out the resolution of imitating the example of Japanese sages, and of surpassing the excellent governments of foreign nations, is to change the site of the capital.

Unless your Majesty takes advantage of the present opportunity, and adopts an easy and convenient means of clearing away old abuses; unless you discharge the princely duty conferred on you by Heaven of being the father of your people, and establish universally such a system that the whole empire shall tremble and obey your commands, it will be impossible to make the imperial glory shine beyond the seas, or to take rank amongst the nations of the earth.

Osaka is the fittest place for the capital to be removed to. A temporary palace can be fixed upon, the form of government take a distinct shape, and great things will be accomplished. For the conduct of foreign relations, for enriching the country and strengthening its military power, for adopting successful means of offense and defense, for establishing an army and navy, the place is peculiarly fitted by its position. But I will not urge more here, for the different departments will have their arguments to advance also.

This question seems to be the pivot on which our domestic affairs turn, and I think it is one which calls for instant decision. Should this plan be carried out, the basis of our internal government will have been established. Should the capital be removed to some other place than Osaka, through anxiety lest some little difficulties should arise, a great opportunity will have been lost and the empire be deprived of a valuable advantage.

I most humbly pray your Majesty to open your eyes and make this reform, and to set forth upon the journey without loss of time. Capital punishment should not deter me from making this petition.

OKUBO ICHIZO.