Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: The events of the past week have not been without some political importance. The ministry experienced a defeat on one portion of their measure for extending the franchise which terminated in their consent to accept the adverse modification. It was generally supposed that they would again make a stand upon the proposals to embrace the lodger franchise and what is called the compound householder; but at a large meeting of the conservative members, called by Lord [Page 86] bill as to effect its ultimate adoption by a majority of the house. In this form it cannot be doubted that a far more considerable enlargement of the franchise than had been contemplated by the most sanguine of two years ago will have been brought about. It is difficult to comprehend the process of reasoning through which this revolution has been worked by the agency of the party which has ever been identified with hostility to popular reforms. But the fact must have a material bearing upon the progress of the country in the same direction for the future. The power of moral resistance to extensive changes in existing institutions has been so far crippled that their happening now becomes a mere question of time and favoring circumstances.
An incident has attended the popular movements in London which appears to be of some signification. The riots which took place in Hyde Park last year, on the attempt made by the government to exclude the reform associations who proposed to hold a public meeting within the grounds, so far alarmed both the ministers and the higher classes that, when an announcement was issued a short time since, by the same parties, of a determination to repeat the experiment on yesterday, the 6th instant, it was at first met with a corresponding spirit of resistance. As a consequence there was last week a very general apprehension of some fearful struggle, ending in more or less of confusion and possible bloodshed. The government was known to have taken certain measures which had, at least, the appearance of a resolution to resort to force, if need be, to put a stop to the proceedings. It was not until yesterday morning that an announcement through the press declared that no legal power existed to interfere with the liberty of persons entering the park, within the legitimate hours, for any purpose not absolutely an infraction of the peace of the realm. The consequence was that the power of restraint was limited by this rule only to the commission of such acts as could be technically construed as breaches of the peace. Hence the people were permitted free ingress. Multitudes accordingly entered, assembled together, organized their meetings, and made speeches, in very orderly fashion; not a single violation of law happened, and what threatened to be a serious collision ended in a very quiet and pacific demonstration. This is a result far more creditable to the popular party than to the administration. It indicates a self-sustaining power in the former to act boldly but within the law, which strongly fortifies their claim to become a constituent portion of the political organization of the state.
The conference of the great powers to consult upon the case of the Duchy of Luxembourg, and, if possible, to prevent a struggle between France and Prussia, assembles here this day. There is much uneasiness felt everywhere as to the issue of this experiment. Whilst people here are sanguine as to success in bringing about a composition, the feeling in Paris and Berlin is by no means so confident. I shall be able to make a further report to you on the subject by the steamer of Saturday.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.