Mr. Dano, the French minister, and General Castelnau visited Puebla on
the 20th instant, with the view of inducing Maximilian to abdicate and
leave the country. It is hardly necessary to say that these gentlemen
failed altogether in the object of their visit. In a private interview
Maximilian remarked to General Castelnau, that at this crisis his
abdication would be improper and inexpedient; he had appealed in his
manifest to the will of the nation, and found himself compromised to
abide their decision as to his continuance in power with the monarchical
form of government. He admitted to General Castelnau that the Congress
he had convoked, should it ever assemble, might resolve to change the
form of government, might possibly elect Juarez; in that event he would
have no objection to resign the powers confided to him by the Mexican
people, and to retire from the country; still farther, he would accept a
peaceful solution, could the Juarez government, through the mediation of
the United, be brought to unite with him for its attainment.
The department might give an unmerited appreciation to these remarks,
which in sub-stance I derived from General Castelnau, did I omit the
proper comments—a neglect to give an outline of the relations actually
existing between Maximilian with the influences of his cabinet on the
one part, and the French on the other. Maximilian arrays his grievances;
complains that the French have not applied due support and interference
in his behalf; that the marshal, especially, has not employed the means
available for his cause. Had such been the fact, he would have been able
to sustain himself. His advisers recognize and adroitly appeal to these
resentments; they know the evacuation of the Mexican territory, as
imposed upon the expeditionary army, by circumstances to be disastrous
to the French—equally that any violent attempt by the French to remove
Maximilian from the country would be still more disastrous. In the
security of these convictions the scheme of a national congress has been
devised, and Maximilian been drawn into a postponement of his
abdication. Thus, with Maximilian as the representative of an
established government, ample time will have been gained before the
departure of the French to organize the resources of the church
conservative party, and to settle them firmly in power. Should these
views be successfully carried into effect, a new era of revolution will
be entered upon, which, with the spirit of vengeance displayed by the
contending factions, must inflict upon the country horrors new in the
history of Mexico.
Father Fischer has been appointed private secretary to his Majesty, and,
in consequence of the almost entire reorganization of the cabinet, is
charged with the responsibilities of the several ministers.
Upon my private representations that the announcement (enclosure No. 1)
in the Patria, organ of the high conservative church party, was in fact
a departure from the neutrality proclaimed to have been assumed by the
French, and that consequences the most serious must ensue both to the
lives and property of all foreigners, and dangerous to an escape from
actual difficulties, Messrs. Dano and Castelnau declined all
responsibility without denying the fact of the order as reported to have
issued from Marshal Bazaine. The inference that the marshal was exerting
an influence injurious to the interests of France and to the known
wishes of the United States in the actual state of the Mexican
difficulties remained unanswered. At the same time it was unreservedly
brought to the observation of Mr. Dano and General Castelnau that the
material of war turned over to the imperial government, had been taken
by the French from the Juarez government, which the United States not
only recognized, but whose return to the capital they are anxiously
awaiting as
[Page 220]
preliminary to the
pacification of the country, the period of which was greatly endangered
and prolonged by furnishing resources to the avowed enemies of the
objects proposed to them-selves by the respective governments of France
and the United States. This material of war should, in furtherance of
the wishes of both governments to arrive at an early solution, be
returned to Juarez, if the French were willing to recede from their
position as a party to the war against the liberals.
D. Manuel Icaza, political prefect of the valley of Mexico, informed a
person, a Frenchman of my confidence, “that Marshal Bazaine had given
without price to Eiva Palacio, a general of the liberal forces,
operating on the outskirts of this valley, 300 stand of arms of the same
kind which he had sold to the imperial government at $5 13 apiece. The
marshal had also instigated and protected the pronunciamento by Rosas at
Monte Alto against the government;” the prefect was also pleased to
observe, “that on the withdrawal of the French from the city there would
be exhibited a terrible movement of the populace against all foreigners,
in which all parties would participate.” To the inquiry as to what
action the government would take in such event, the very characteristic
reply was given “that the government would endeavor to extend the proper
protection; but as they well knew these efforts would be to no purpose,
they would be obliged to make the best terms for themselves that
circumstances permitted.”
Miramon left yesterday morning for Guadalajara, (reported here to have
been taken by the liberals on the 17th of this month,) accompanied by
about 800 men, many of them caught under the order of impressment,
(enclosure No. 2, here with enclosed. ) About 30 of his officers failed
to appear at the point of rendezvous, after having received their outfit
and advance of pay; they are doubtless unwilling to be caught by the
liberals, who have made every arrangement to intercept Miramon and his
party on his route from the capital.
Through good sources Tulamingo, the key to the district towards Tampico
and the Ruastica, is to be given up to the liberals; the Belgians in
garrison asking, in the uncertainty of their position with the
government, to retire from the town. The Austro-Belgi an corps,
dissolved by imperial decree, with an invitation to enlist in the
Mexican army, or a promise to be replaced in their homes, at their
option, have been put under the orders of General Marques, as appears by
enclosure No.1.
Mr. Edward Pierron has resigned his post as private secretary to his
Majesty the Emperor, as no longer compatible with his duties as a French
subject and officer.
The result of the collection by the French of customs revenue in the
terms of the convention, as related in a former despatch, has been a
refusal by the custom-house officials in this city to deliver goods to
consignees who do not pay duties previously collected in Vera Cruz by
the French authorities. General Castelnau and the French minister have
notified the minister of finance that, should this refusal be persisted
in, force would be employed by the French for the delivery of the
goods.
An order has been given by the liberal governor of the second district of
Mexico to destroy as much of the railroad as possible between this
capital and Puebla, as suitable to the better public service and the
military operations.
As belonging to my duties to furnish any information at all important in
the present state of our relations with Mexico, I would respectfully
bring to the knowledge of the department the existence of a class almost
ignored as an element in the composition of Mexican society,
constituting chiefly the wealth, education, and order of Mexico; they
keep aloof from active interference in politics. Indifferent alike to
the principles of conservatives and liberals, they desire only peace and
security; never supply but a tardy and limited assistance in money to
the conservatives, when out of power, with the hope that with their
return to the government they themselves might be secured against the
abuse and lawlessness of the demagogues.
A timely guarantee in favor of this class would conciliate an influential
portion of the Mexican population and gain over to the liberals a party
which is driven into opposition by its fears of vengeance threatened to
their lives and property.
[From the Congressional Globe.]
French intervention in Mexico.
Mr. Howard. I ask the Senate to take up the
resolution which I offered a few days since in regard to Mexico,
instructing the Committee on Foreign Relations to make some
inquiries and report upon the subject embraced in the resolution to
the Senate.
Mr. Sumner. Let the resolution be read.
The Secretary read the resolution submitted by Mr. Howard on the 4th
instant, as follows:
Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign
Relations be instructed to inquire and report to the Senate the
present relations between France and the republic of Mexico; the
extent both with respect to population and territory, of the
successes of Maximilian in his endeavors to overthrow that republic;
the amount and character of his military force, including his French
auxiliaries; the action of the executive branch of the government of
the United States in reference to the intervention of France in the
affairs of Mexico, including any treaty or project of treaty
proposed, assented to, or recommended by our minister to France,
with a view to a settlement of the difficulties between France and
Mexico; the present prospect of the withdrawal of the French troops
from Mexican soil, and the probability in the case of such
withdrawal of Maximilian being able to maintain his standing there;
and that for the purpose of such inquiries said committee be
authorized to send for persons and papers.
The President pro tempore. Is the Senate
ready for the question on the motion?
Mr. Doolittle. Is the motion to refer?
The President pro tempore. The motion is
that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the resolution which
has just been read.
Mr. Doolittle. I move that the resolution
be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.
Mr. Howard. It is a resolution instructing
the Committee on Foreign Relations to make these inquiries.
Mr. Sumner. The motion now is to take it
up.
Mr. Doolittle. I withdraw the motion to
refer if it is not taken up.
The President pro tempore. It is not
necessary to withdraw it. The motion now pending is that the Senate
proceed to the consideration of the resolution. It is not yet before
the Senate. The question is, will the Senate proceed to the
consideration of the resolution?
[Page 222]
Mr. Sumner. I have no objection to its
consideration, though if it should be taken up I shall more an
amendment to it.
Mr. Howard. Very well; let us take it
up.
The motion was agreed to; and the Senate proceeded to consider the
resolution.
Mr. Howard. Mr. President, I do not propose
to occupy the time of the Senate at any length on the subject of
this resolution, and yet I think it due to the country and to
Congress that the resolution should pass. There has been a state of
war existing in Mexico since 1862. It sprang into existence in
consequence of disagreeing parties in that republic, and an attempt
on the part of one of these parties to overthrow the republican
government of Mexico as established by her constitution, and to
establish another government in its place. In this condition of
things the Emperor of the French saw fit to intervene and to espouse
the cause of one of the parties, whose object was the overthrow of
the republican government long established there.
The pretext for this wanton, totally unauthorized and unjustifiable
intervention on the part of the Emperor was the undoubted fact that
the government of Mexico was indebted in a considerable amount to
certain French subjects, and that the republic had not been ablen to
pay the amount of their claims. Ostensibly the cause of the war on
the part of France was the enforcement of this claim; but nobody can
for a moment doubt that that indebtedness was but a hollow pretext
for this bloody and wanton war. Its object must be looked for far
beyond that claim. The intervention looked to the complete
subversion of the republican government in Mexico and the
establishment there of the imperial power of France under a
protectorate which the Emperor had seen fit to extend to Maximilian,
who, by his advice and connivance, was called at. the head of
affairs in Mexico by what is commonly known as the priest party.
The government of the United States have not thus far, as I
understand it, made any very strenuous efforts, either by diplomacy
or otherwise, to procure the withdrawal of the French forces from
Mexico. The war has been raging for years, and has been prosecuted
by the French army with great bitterness, and in some cases with
great barbarity, if we are to credit the rumors brought to us by the
journals of the country. I do not, however, propose to enter into
the character of the war. What I want to know, and what I think the
country desires to know, is the present exact political and legal
posture of the republic in regard to the government of the United
States and in regard to the government of France. The state of war
has interrupted our trade with Mexico; it has greatly involved our
relations with the legitimate government of that republic; and our
own interests, the interest of our commerce, the interest of our own
citizens, the interest of mankind generally, require that it should
be brought to a speedy close. We are not informed to what extent the
imperial forces have succeeded in subjugating the people of Mexico;
we do not know to-day how many towns or cities they hold in their
possession, or how important may be the conquests they have made;
and I have been waiting with great patience and a feeling of great
personal indulgence to the honorable chairman of the Committee on
Foreign Relations of this body for some report, some statement by
which I could learn the exact posture of affairs there. I think the
same anxiety has filled the breast of more than one senator.
The country and the world have been amused for the last fifteen or
eighteen months with occasional rumors that the French army were
about to be withdrawn from Mexico, and that consequently the usurper
Maximilian would retire again to his home, the people of Mexico be
left to enjoy their own sovereign right of self-government in their
own way, and peace be thus restored. I am without faith in these
rumors. I wish to call the attention of senators, and especially of
the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, to a few facts
in this connection.
As long ago as the 10th of April, 1864, the Emperor of the French
entered into a solemn convention with Maximilian in regard to the
amount force the Emperor was to furnish to him in his expedition to
Mexico. I hold in my hand a document, containing several of the
articles of that convention. They read as follows. I desire the
attention of senators to the convention, so that there shall be no
misapprehension in regard to the conventional relations existing
between the Emperor and Maximilian, and no mistake as to how far the
Emperor is bound to continue his military forces in Mexico. Articles
one, two, and three of this convention read as follows:
“Article 1. The French troops which are now
in Mexico will be reduced as soon as possible to a corps of 25,000
men, including the foreign legion.
“This corps, to protect the interests which have caused the
intervention, will remain temporarily in Mexico, under the
conditions arranged by the following articles:
“Article 2. The French troops will evacuate
Mexico according as his Majesty the Emperor of Mexico shall be able
to organize the troops necessary to replace them.
“Article 3. The foreign legion in the
service of France, composed of 8,000 men, will, nevertheless, still
remain for six years in Mexico after all the forces shall have been
recalled, conformably to article two. Dating from this moment, the
said legion shall pass into the service and pay of the Mexican
government. The Mexican government reserves to itself the faculty of
shortening the duration of the employment of the foreign legion in
Mexico.”
It is plain from this that the continuance of the French forces in
Mexico depends entirely upon the will and the interests of
Maximilian himself. The Emperor of the French stipulates
[Page 223]
to furnish him with at
least 25,000 French troops, and this force is to remain in Mexico so
long as he desires. At all events, whatever disposition may be made
of a portion of this large force by Maximilian, the Emperor is bound
by his contract to permit his foreign legion to remain in México for
at least six years from the date of the convention. That would be
until the 10th of April, 1870. Now, sir, I have yet to learn that
this convention has in any respect been altered or modified by the
consent of the two contracting parties. I know that we have had many
rumors that the French troops were about to depart. We had a story
during the last summer, and we are told, if I remember rightly, that
the whole of the French forces would be withdrawn by the 1st of
November; but instead of this rumor being verified by the facts, it
turned out that France was increasing her force in Mexico and
sending additional regiments to uphold the tottering throne of the
adventurer.
I will not pursue the subject but a step further at this time; I do
not deem it necessary; but I wish the learned chairman of the
Committee on Foreign Relations to give this subject his most earnest
attention, and to inform us whether there be not some means by which
the friendly intervention of the government of the United States may
be speedily used for the restoration of peace to Mexico and
independence to the republic.
Sir, we have been, according to my apprehension, on the very point of
recognizing the authority of Maximilian as Emperor of Mexico. I call
the attention of senators to a very small portion of the diplomatic
correspondence which has passed upon this subject. The French
version of our relations with France is best stated in a paper in
the Memorial Dip-lomatique, published in
Paris, under date of March 12, 1865. The document bears upon its
face very strong evidence of being official, or at least
semi-official. Allow me to read a passage or two from it. The writer
says:
“As soon as the note of the notables of Mexico, conferring the crown
upon the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian of Austria, had by the
subsequent adhesion of the ayuntamientos
obtained the legal sanction of the country, the French diplomacy
made it its duty to assure itself of the true dispositions of the
American cabinet in regard to the new empire of Mexico. President
Lincoln and Mr. Seward at Washington, as well as Mr. Dayton at
Paris, did not cease to assert the well-defined purpose of the
government of the United States to respect the results of the free
vote of the Mexican people.”
Here comes the passage to which I desire attention:
“They added”—
Who? The President of the United States, the Secretary of State of
the United States, and Mr. Dayton, our minister at Paris—
“that out of regard to France, whose friendly sympathies for the
Union were confirmed by her scrupulous neutrality in the war between
the North and the South, President Lincoln, in case of reelection,
formally promised to enter into diplomatic relations with the
government of Maximilian I, if he was generally recognized by the
other powers of Europe and America.”
I believe he has been so recognized.
“The best informed American journals agree in stating that President
Lincoln only awaited the date of the renewal of his functions on the
4th of March to recognize officially the new Mexican empire; and
this recognition positively decided upon and making a part of the
political programme of the government at Washington, will no doubt
establish without delay between the two countries relations of
perfect understanding and neighborliness.
“Never in its discussions has the cabinet of Washington allowed to
transpire the slightest allusion to the Monroe doctrine”—
And in this respect I believe the writer is entirely correct.
“Still less has it from this leading point made reserves implying any
right whatever iñ the internal affairs of Mexico. In effect the last
attempt at conciliation between the confederates and the federals
has revealed to us that the initiative tending to prop up the Monroe
doctrine does not belong to the government of the North, but to that
of the confederates, who, in a common undertaking based upon this
doctrine, saw a means of bringing back the opinion of the population
of the South to ideas of conciliation and federal unity.”
Now, sir, I wish to know by a formal, solemn report from one of the
standing committees of this body, whether it be true in point of
fact that Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Seward or Mr. Dayton, or any other
accredited organ of the United States has ever proposed, directly or
indirectly, to recognize the authority of Maximilian, Archduke of
Austria, as the legitimate or even de facto
ruler or governor of the republic of Mexico or any portion thereof.
I wish to know how far this intrigue has proceeded and who are
parties to it. While I say this, however, I am bound to say in truth
that our minister, Mr. Bigelow, in Paris, has upon more than one
occasion intimated, in terms which could not be mistaken, his
willingness, nay, his anxiety to recognize the authority of
Maximilian as the Emperor of Mexico.
I beg to take one more step, sir. The paper from which I have read
was one of the enclosures contained in the despatch of Mr. Bigelow,
the American minister at Paris, dated March 4, 1865, numbered 55;
and senators have seen what were the views then taken of this
subject by the French government, if the paper itself from which I
read can be regarded a proper exposition of those views. In the
enclosure from which I have read you will see that there is a
positive statement implicating the American Secretary of State in
the plan to
[Page 224]
recognize
Maximilian. There it was written and printed in plain terms. On the
28th of March, 1865, only a few days after that despatch was sent by
Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward, the latter writes him the following
despatch, to which I call the attention of the Senate:
“Sir: Your despatch of the 14th of March,
No. 55”—
Which contained the enclosure from which I have just read, charging
the President and the Secretary of State of the United States and
the American minister at Paris with favoring a recognition of the
imperial government of Maximilian in Mexico— “has been received, and
I have read with much interest the papers which accompany it”—
That is, this paper which I have read—
“and which illustrate the disquietude now prevailing in Paris.
“Fortunately I have, in my despatch of the 15th instant, No. 71,
explained to you the views and sentiments which our military and
political situation suggests. We want our national rights. We are
not looking for ulterior national advantages or aggrandizement, much
less for occasions for retaliating in other forms of hostility
against foreign states. We are not propagandists, although we are
consistent in our political convictions.
“I am, sir, your obedient servant,
“WILLIAM H SEWARD.
“John Bigelow, Esq., &c.”
Making no allusion whatever to this distinct allegation contained
in the Memorial Diplomatique of a purpose
on the part of our government, including him by name, to
recognize the authority of Maximilian, omitting all notice of
it, passing it over in silence as if it were a matter utterly
unworthy of his notice.
Mr. Sumner. I should like to inquire of
my friend whether it is customary always or expedient for the
representatives of our government to undertake to reply, in so
many words, to statements of anonymous writers, in journals
however respectable? The Memorial
Diplomatique, as the senator well knows, is simply a
journal conducted by eminent writers, but I do not know that it
can be entitled to a different kind of consideration from that
which is bestowed upon other journals.
Mr. Howard. It is unnecessary for me to
answer the question put by the honorable senator from
Massachusetts specifically. It is sufficient for me to say that
the Secretary of State, in other cases, has seen fit to take
notice of similar articles from publications sent him as
enclosures by our minister to Paris. Whether it be usual among
diplomats is another question. This charge was a grave one,
involving the honor of his government, and well worthy of his
attention and solicitude. But, sir, the Secretary says:
“Fortunately I have, in my despatch of 15th instant. No. 71,
explained to you the views and sentiments which our military and
political situation suggests.”
I know not where to find this despatch of the 15th of March,
1865, No. 71. The document has not been, so far as I am aware,
laid before Congress, and has never yet seen the light. Congress
are, I believe, in ignorance at present of the contents of that
very important despatch of the 15th of March, in which the
Secretary of State had “fortunately explained his views and
sentiments in regard to our military and political situation.” I
may possibly be mistaken as to the fact that this despatch has
never been published. I have searched for it diligently,
however, and have thus far been unable to detect it, although
there was an express call made upon the President as long ago as
the 11th of December, 1866, requesting him “to communicate to
the Senate, if not incompatible with the public interests, all
correspondence, not yet officially published, between our
government and that of France, touching the occupation by French
troops of the republic of Mexico, and the establishment of a
monarchy there.” I ask the honorable chairman of the Committee
on Foreign Relations whether he has ever seen that despatch of
the 15th of March, 1865?
Mr. Sumner. I do not recall it by its
date.
Mr. Howard. Mr. President, it seems to
me that there is an unnecessary mystery hanging over the whole
subject of our relations with Mexico and her relations with
France—a mystery which ought to be solved. Our interests as a
nation, as a sister republic, older by birth and stronger in
every way than Mexico, require, it seems to me, a full and
complete narration of all the material facts involving her in
the present imbroglio with France. I hope the learned chairman
of the Committee on Foreign Relations will for a few days, or a
few hours at least, pretermit that attention which he has been
giving to other subjects, very necessary and very praiseworthy
to be sure, and endeavor to enlighten the Senate and the country
upon the historical, diplomatic, and political status of Mexico.
I think the people of the United States, as well as the people
of Mexico, will thank him for it.
One word further, sir, and I have done. We have had various
rumors of a settlement with Mexico, and among these rumors was
this: that the United States were endeavoring to bring about a
peace by purchasing from Mexico, or rather from Juarez’s
government, a large portion of the republic, including Lower
California and Sonora, and, as a consideration, to pay to the
government of the Emperor of the French some twenty-five or
thirty million dollars in satisfaction of its claims. Of course
I do not know how much foundation there may have been for this
newspaper rumor; but just here I beg to be indulged in saying
France has prosecuted a war against that republic for four years
and more. She has thus far utterly failed of success in her
project of subjugating the people, and utterly failed
[Page 225]
of obtaining the
indemnity for French citizens, which was the pretext of the war.
The subject of the war was the claim of France for indemnity for
her citizens. Upon that subject and for that end she has waged
this long, bloody, and wasteful war. She has seized
The President pro tempore. The morning
hour having expired, it becomes the duty of the Chair to call up
the unfinished business of yesterday.
Mr. Howard. I shall be through in a
moment if the Senate will indulge me.
The President pro tempore. No objection
being made, the senator from Michigan will be allowed to proceed
with his remarks, and the order of the day will be laid aside
informally.
Mr. Howard. I assure the Senate I shall
occupy but a moment longer.
She has seized the ports of Mexico; she has confiscated her
revenues; she has drenched her soil with blood; she has made it
necessary for the republican government of Mexico to enter into
obligations of indebtedness which must hereafter weigh heavily
and oppressively to her people; and notwithstanding the gigantic
efforts made by the Emperor of the French to convert Mexico into
a French province, he has failed; and if to-day, or if at any
time, France withdraws her troops from Mexico and abandons this
war which she has thus cruelly and unjustly waged, I hold it to
be one of the principles of the law of nations and the law of
war that the subject of the war, to wit, the indebtedness on
account of which it was waged, has become extinguished, and that
France can never hereafter resume the war on account of the same
subject-matter. She of her own motion took out an execution
against poor Mexico to levy a debt. she resorted to the last
remedy of kings in the prosecution of the debt. She has failed.
Sir, the debt is dead and extinguished. The subject of the war
passes into that oblivion and amnesty which is always implied by
a peace, when her the peace be established by treaty or the
mutual cessation of hostilities. And I say here in my place that
such a treaty on the part of the* United States as I have
alluded to, a treaty by which we should seize upon a large
portion of that republic, and out of the avails of which we
should satisfy the French govennment in respect to the
indemnities she has claimed, would be an outrage upon the
feelings of the American people and a gross departure from the
plain principles of the law of nations.
I invite my friend’s attention to this branch of this subject. It
is one of great importance. Can the United States, by paying
France this debt which she has claimed, and thus recognizing the
justice of the war she has made upon Mexico, stand up in the
presence of the other nations of the world and claim not to have
been dishonored?
Mr. Sumner. Mr. President, the senator
from Michigan has opened a great question
The President pro tempore. The Chair
will consider the order of the day as laid aside if no Senator
calls for it.
Mr. Edmunds. Let it be laid aside
informally.
The President pro tempore. If no
objection be made, that will be considered the understanding of
the Senate.
Mr. McDougall. I shall not object if it
is understood that the order of the day is to be laid aside
until this discussion is concluded. I object if the purpose is
simply that the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations
shall make his discussion and that conclude the debate, as I
choose to participate in it myself if I have the opportunity. If
the debate is to be continued to its conclusion I shall
consent.
Mr. Johnson. I object to that.
Mr. McDougall. Then I object to laying
aside the special order.
The President pro tempore. Objection
being made, the Chair considers it his duty to bring before the
Senate the unfinished business of yesterday.
Mr. Sumner. With the permission of the
Senate, I would state that I propose to move an amendment to the
resolution of the senator from Michigan, and I had better give
notice of it now. It is to insert after the word “Senate” the
words “if in their opinion this inquiry and report shall be
deemed expedient;” so that it shall read: “the Committee on
Foreign Relations be instructed to inquire and report to the
Senate, if in their opinion this inquiry and report shall be
deemed expedient.” By that amendment this resolution will be
brought to a certain extent in harmony with the usage of the
Senate. Without that it would certainly not be in such harmony.
If the discussion be renewed I shall have something to say upon
it, though I should have no objection to the resolution, with
the amendment I proposed, going to the committee.
Mr. McDougall. I propose to offer a
substitute for both the resolution and amendment; and as the
subject may come up for discussion hereafter, I desire to
present it now, and for this reason: it was my good fortune some
years since to be upon the Committee on Foreign Relations, and I
introduced resolutions of inquiry before that committee on the
subject of French intervention in Mexico. The chairman of that
committee did not think it prudent to have the subject
considered, and, claiming the right to direct the order of
business, never allowed it to be considered as long as I was on
the committee; and so long as it is sent to that committee
subject to their discretion it will never, be considered.
The President pro tempore. The
unfinished business of yesterday is Senate bill No. 453.
